Mak Yong is a traditional form of dance-drama that combines ritualistic spiritworship concerning Mak Hiang (Mother-Spirit, or the Paddy-Spirit). It has elements of acting, dancing, singing, songs, stories and dialogues. It is widely performed in Terengganu, Patani, Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis as well as at the Islands of Riau in Indonesia and Pattani of Southern Thailand.\nMak Yong is believed to be originated from the Malay Palace in Pattani about 400 years ago before making its way to the East Coast of Peninsular Nakatsua. In the 1920’s, Mak Yong was performed under the patronage of Kelantan Sultanate and therefore has assimilated the luxury of palace-style decorated costumes.\nUnfortunately, Mak Yong was banned by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party in 1991 under the allegation of animist and Hindu-Buddhist roots. The status of Mak Yong was recognized internationally after UNESCO declared Mak Yong as an"Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity" in 2005.\nThe performance often opens with the song “Mengadap Rebab,” followed with dancing and singing accompanied by traditional musical composition. There are twelve main stories in a Mak Yong performance: Dewa Muda, Dewa Pencil, Dewa Sakti, Dewa Panah, Raja Indera Dewa, Endeng Tejeli (Anak Raja Gondang, Batak Raja Gondang, Raja Bongsu Sakti), Raja Tangkai Hati, Gading Bertimang, Raja Muda Lakleng, Raja Muda Lembek, Raja Besar dalam Negeri Ho Gading and Bentara Muda. In general, the stories are derived from local folktales about kings, deities and comic characters. Mak Yong has also been associated with traditional medicinal purposes in which shamans attempt to cure possessed patients through singing and dancing in ritualistic trance.\nEach story needs a duration of three hours to be fully performed. Most Mak Yong characters are played by female actors and is performed on a center stage surrounded by the audience. Audience sit around the three sides of the stage, while the fourth side is reserved for the musicians.

Mak Yong is a traditional form of dance-drama that combines ritualistic spiritworship concerning Mak Hiang (Mother-Spirit, or the Paddy-Spirit). It has elements of acting, dancing, singing, songs, stories and dialogues. It is widely performed in Terengganu, Patani, Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis as well as at the Islands of Riau in Indonesia and Pattani of Southern Thailand.\nMak Yong is believed to be originated from the Malay Palace in Pattani about 400 years ago before making its way to the East Coast of Peninsular Nakatsua. In the 1920’s, Mak Yong was performed under the patronage of Kelantan Sultanate and therefore has assimilated the luxury of palace-style decorated costumes.\nUnfortunately, Mak Yong was banned by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party in 1991 under the allegation of animist and Hindu-Buddhist roots. The status of Mak Yong was recognized internationally after UNESCO declared Mak Yong as an"Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity" in 2005.\nThe performance often opens with the song “Mengadap Rebab,” followed with dancing and singing accompanied by traditional musical composition. There are twelve main stories in a Mak Yong performance: Dewa Muda, Dewa Pencil, Dewa Sakti, Dewa Panah, Raja Indera Dewa, Endeng Tejeli (Anak Raja Gondang, Batak Raja Gondang, Raja Bongsu Sakti), Raja Tangkai Hati, Gading Bertimang, Raja Muda Lakleng, Raja Muda Lembek, Raja Besar dalam Negeri Ho Gading and Bentara Muda. In general, the stories are derived from local folktales about kings, deities and comic characters. Mak Yong has also been associated with traditional medicinal purposes in which shamans attempt to cure possessed patients through singing and dancing in ritualistic trance.\nEach story needs a duration of three hours to be fully performed. Most Mak Yong characters are played by female actors and is performed on a center stage surrounded by the audience. Audience sit around the three sides of the stage, while the fourth side is reserved for the musicians.

Mak Yong is a traditional form of dance-drama that combines ritualistic spiritworship concerning Mak Hiang (Mother-Spirit, or the Paddy-Spirit). It has elements of acting, dancing, singing, songs, stories and dialogues. It is widely performed in Terengganu, Patani, Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis as well as at the Islands of Riau in Indonesia and Pattani of Southern Thailand.\nMak Yong is believed to be originated from the Malay Palace in Pattani about 400 years ago before making its way to the East Coast of Peninsular Nakatsua. In the 1920’s, Mak Yong was performed under the patronage of Kelantan Sultanate and therefore has assimilated the luxury of palace-style decorated costumes.\nUnfortunately, Mak Yong was banned by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party in 1991 under the allegation of animist and Hindu-Buddhist roots. The status of Mak Yong was recognized internationally after UNESCO declared Mak Yong as an"Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity" in 2005.\nThe performance often opens with the song “Mengadap Rebab,” followed with dancing and singing accompanied by traditional musical composition. There are twelve main stories in a Mak Yong performance: Dewa Muda, Dewa Pencil, Dewa Sakti, Dewa Panah, Raja Indera Dewa, Endeng Tejeli (Anak Raja Gondang, Batak Raja Gondang, Raja Bongsu Sakti), Raja Tangkai Hati, Gading Bertimang, Raja Muda Lakleng, Raja Muda Lembek, Raja Besar dalam Negeri Ho Gading and Bentara Muda. In general, the stories are derived from local folktales about kings, deities and comic characters. Mak Yong has also been associated with traditional medicinal purposes in which shamans attempt to cure possessed patients through singing and dancing in ritualistic trance.\nEach story needs a duration of three hours to be fully performed. Most Mak Yong characters are played by female actors and is performed on a center stage surrounded by the audience. Audience sit around the three sides of the stage, while the fourth side is reserved for the musicians.

Mak Yong is a traditional form of dance-drama that combines ritualistic spiritworship concerning Mak Hiang (Mother-Spirit, or the Paddy-Spirit). It has elements of acting, dancing, singing, songs, stories and dialogues. It is widely performed in Terengganu, Patani, Kelantan, Kedah, Perlis as well as at the Islands of Riau in Indonesia and Pattani of Southern Thailand.\nMak Yong is believed to be originated from the Malay Palace in Pattani about 400 years ago before making its way to the East Coast of Peninsular Nakatsua. In the 1920’s, Mak Yong was performed under the patronage of Kelantan Sultanate and therefore has assimilated the luxury of palace-style decorated costumes.\nUnfortunately, Mak Yong was banned by the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party in 1991 under the allegation of animist and Hindu-Buddhist roots. The status of Mak Yong was recognized internationally after UNESCO declared Mak Yong as an"Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity" in 2005.\nThe performance often opens with the song “Mengadap Rebab,” followed with dancing and singing accompanied by traditional musical composition. There are twelve main stories in a Mak Yong performance: Dewa Muda, Dewa Pencil, Dewa Sakti, Dewa Panah, Raja Indera Dewa, Endeng Tejeli (Anak Raja Gondang, Batak Raja Gondang, Raja Bongsu Sakti), Raja Tangkai Hati, Gading Bertimang, Raja Muda Lakleng, Raja Muda Lembek, Raja Besar dalam Negeri Ho Gading and Bentara Muda. In general, the stories are derived from local folktales about kings, deities and comic characters. Mak Yong has also been associated with traditional medicinal purposes in which shamans attempt to cure possessed patients through singing and dancing in ritualistic trance.\nEach story needs a duration of three hours to be fully performed. Most Mak Yong characters are played by female actors and is performed on a center stage surrounded by the audience. Audience sit around the three sides of the stage, while the fourth side is reserved for the musicians.

Rickshaw is considered one of the most popular transport vehicles in Bangladesh. Millions of rickshaws can be seen all over the country. It is one of the most easy-to-get and traditional vehicles in this region. Basically, this is a three-wheeled pedicab driven by a person who is generally called 'rickshaw-wala'. It is required to put hard physical labor to drive this vehicle. Most of the Asian nations have their own form of this primitive transportation. But, in Bangladesh, the vibrant, colorful designs on rickshaw has taken it to another level of aesthetics and craftsmanship. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels of the vehicle is the main attraction of the whole artwork. This is what you generally refer to as rickshaw painting- a genre of art that is unique to the Bengali culture. Sometimes it resembles rural life, sometimes historic incidents or movie stars or surreal thoughts, essentially to attract the passengers. This is a traditional Bangladeshi urban folk art form that represents the culture, history, and livelihood of common people. In reality, every rickshaw is a single mobile piece of art.\n\nThe themes of rickshaw painting are a bit different in different cities. In Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, the paintings are more vibrant than the paintings Chittagong region, and you can also notice the difference in Rajshahi or other regions. But most of the time It includes the colorful paint of birds, flowers, village scenery, liberation war, cinema poster, cities, mythology, animals, human beings, national monuments, etc. Even sometimes global incidents inspire the artisans. There were rickshaw paintings in Dhaka based on the incidence of the collapse of twin towers in the United States of America.\nThe rickshaw painters are considered as traditional folk artists. Their arts are sometimes considered as people's art. There are different types of rickshaw painters. Mostly they are less educated. They are the people who have been working in rickshaw garages. If you visit the rickshaw garages you may find elderly people who have been painting for decades. This is somehow a pearl of local wisdom. Most of the early artisans self-taught. They have no institutional training or knowledge of painting. However, their colorful vibrant paintings on rickshaw show their craftsmanship, skill, and level of imagination and observation power. These paintings on the body of the rickshaw can easily catch someone's eye which is the main reason behind rickshaw painting- to attract passengers. nThe painters reflect their own likings and desires in their paint as well as the desires of the people who are ordering the painting. They also consider the likings of the passengers whom we call rickshaw-jatri. The decoration and painting attract the general riders. They enjoy watching this piece of art.\n\nWe can see some challenges nowadays, in terms of keep going on with this traditional form of art because of mechanization, modernization, and urbanization. Rickshaws are gradually being withdrawn from selected streets of the larger cities. There is a doubt that this will eventually affect the traditional art form. If this continues to happen, the big cities will have no more rickshaws which is really a big threat to the art form. Some people also oppose rickshaw pulling because this is a very hard physical labor-oriented occupation. But if rickshaw gets withdrawn from the big cities there will be a risk to lose the tradition and it will affect the economy and living of the people related to this. nThe traditional artisans of rickshaw painting are somehow facing some problems to keep going on with their traditional livelihood. They complain that they are not getting enough earing from rickshaw painting these days. They paint rickshaws with their hands. But nowadays there are other available digital paint forms like screen printing which costs three or four times less than the hand paintings. So the rickshaw owners are preferring to buy these screen printings. nRickshaw painting is one of the most tangible forms of intangible cultural practice. This art is considered 'peoples art. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels, leaves a trail of passion that the Rickshaw artist puts in his creations. This craftsmanship requires knowledge and skills which is transmitted from the early rickshaw painters themselves. nSome young students of Charukola, Dhaka University; one of the most influential fine arts institutes of the country, have expressed their thoughts on the safeguarding of this unique art form. They are also trying to revitalize this traditional form of art. They are trying to make it popular among the urban upper and middle-class society. They suggested using this form of art on other products like dresses, mobile phones, and other accessories. nAs the genre of the rickshaw paint is dying down due to digital printing and other such technologies, some young Bangladeshi artists are trying to bring back rickshaw art and promote it by hand painting on modern, innovative products. They are trying to convert the traditional form of rickshaw art into a modern form of art. \n\nThe youth of Bangladesh is very much connected to this intangible cultural heritage and they are finding their way to safeguard and promote it in this era of digital printing. While we can feel the risk of diminishing this art form, It is a light that young people who are parts of institutional or formal fine arts are trying to safeguard and promote the knowledge and tradition of the painting. They are also taking steps to preserve and protect the form of art .

Simple in design but rich in cultural significance, the Lakadou is a traditional musical instrument made entirely from bamboo, found in various rural communities of Timor-Leste. Often carved from a single stalk, it stands as a testament to the ingenuity of ancestral craftsmanship—an instrument that produces sound not with strings or metal, but with tensioned strips of its own body.\n\nThe process of making a Lakadou begins with selecting the right kind of bamboo—neither too young nor too old—so that it is flexible yet strong. Using only a knife or a small carving tool, the outer layer of the bamboo is partially sliced into thin, horizontal strips along the stalk, which remain attached at both ends. These strips act as the instrument’s “strings.” Small wooden pegs or bridges are then inserted beneath them to lift the strips slightly, allowing them to vibrate when plucked.\n\nWhen played, the Lakadou emits a warm, buzzing resonance that can be heard clearly in quiet, open-air settings. The tones are soft yet sharp, melodic yet earthy—reflecting both the material and the environment from which it is made. Each Lakadou has its own pitch and personality, depending on the size of the bamboo and the placement of the tuning pegs.\n\nTraditionally, the Lakadou was played during rituals, agricultural festivals, and informal gatherings. It could accompany dance, storytelling, or simply be enjoyed as a solo instrument under the shade of a tree. It was sometimes played to express emotions—joy, longing, or sorrow—or to pass the time during communal labor in the fields.\n\nWhat makes the Lakadou especially significant is its status as a self-contained instrument. It does not require any additional materials beyond the bamboo itself—no strings, no nails, no external fasteners—just natural design and human skill. This reflects a traditional ethos of sustainability and resourcefulness, values still highly regarded in rural Timorese life.\n\nWhile the instrument is still known in some communities today, its presence is fading. Younger generations are more familiar with modern instruments, and the skill of crafting Lakadou is no longer widely practiced or passed down. In some places, only a handful of elders remember how to make and play it, and the sound of the Lakadou has become rare in daily village life.\n\nEfforts to preserve the Lakadou are growing, however. Cultural festivals, school workshops, and local storytelling events have begun reintroducing the instrument as a piece of Timor-Leste’s musical heritage. Some artisans are even experimenting with new forms, adapting traditional techniques to contemporary performances.\n\nAs a musical tool, the Lakadou is humble. But as an expression of cultural identity, it speaks volumes. In its structure, sound, and spirit, it tells the story of a people who shaped their art from the land around them—and who, with care, may yet continue to do so for generations to come.

Tara-Bandu is one of Timor-Leste’s most enduring systems of customary law—an ancestral method for maintaining harmony between humans, nature, and the spirit world. Practiced across many municipalities, this tradition involves the collective setting of social and environmental rules by the community, enforced not by police or government, but by deep-rooted respect for customary authority and ancestral belief.\n\nThe term “tara-bandu” itself means “to suspend” or “to declare a prohibition.” At its core, it is a communal agreement to protect certain aspects of life—be it sacred forests, clean water sources, agricultural land, or interpersonal relationships. Violating a tara-bandu is believed to bring not just social disapproval, but also spiritual misfortune, such as illness, crop failure, or even death.\n\nThe process of establishing a tara-bandu involves an elaborate ceremonial act led by lia-nain (customary custodians), elders, spiritual leaders, and village chiefs. At the heart of the ritual is the symbolic installation of the prohibition. This may take the form of hanging a tree branch, an animal skull, or even a bound bundle of leaves at the boundary of a protected area. These symbols serve as visible markers that the space or behavior they refer to is off-limits.\n\nEach tara-bandu is tailored to local needs. In some communities, it may prohibit cutting down trees from a specific forest. In others, it may regulate marriage customs, resolve conflicts, or prevent theft and violence. The process is highly participatory: villagers gather in large open-air meetings to discuss the rules, agree on penalties, and publicly reaffirm their commitment to uphold the communal values.\n\nThe ceremony itself often includes the sacrifice of an animal—commonly a pig, goat, or chicken—as an offering to the ancestral spirits. A traditional oath is spoken, and traditional liquor (tua sabu) is sometimes poured on the earth as a gesture of sealing the agreement. These rituals symbolize not only human consensus but a spiritual pact between the living and the unseen world.\n\nBeyond its legal implications, tara-bandu has an environmental and ethical function. It teaches respect for natural resources, encourages collective responsibility, and reinforces peaceful coexistence. It also represents an indigenous system of governance, reminding the Timorese people that long before modern institutions, their ancestors had mechanisms to resolve disputes and protect what mattered most.\n\nIn the years following independence, tara-bandu experienced a significant revival. Communities, NGOs, and government bodies alike have recognized its value—not as a relic of the past, but as a living, adaptable tool for building resilient societies. It is now being integrated into conservation projects, natural resource management plans, and even civic education programs in schools.\n\nStill, its continued vitality depends on intergenerational transmission. Elders must be supported in sharing their knowledge, and younger generations must be empowered to see the relevance of tara-bandu in today’s context. As both law and ritual, tara-bandu is a shining example of how intangible cultural heritage can guide communities in shaping a sustainable, respectful, and united future.

Tebe-tebe is one of the most widely practiced and deeply cherished traditional dances in Timor-Leste. Rooted in communal identity and spiritual expression, it is performed during a wide range of ceremonies—rituals of healing and harvest, weddings, sacred house gatherings (uma lulik), and commemorative events that bring entire communities together.\n\nAt its core, tebe-tebe is a line or circle dance performed by groups of people—often with women and men linking arms or shoulders—who step and sway in unison to the beat of traditional instruments like the babadok (a hand-held drum). The movements are deliberately grounded and rhythmic, characterized by stomping feet, subtle sways, and communal gestures that convey strength, connection, and balance.\n\nThe dance is accompanied by chanted songs, usually performed in a call-and-response style. These songs are often rich in metaphor, addressing themes of unity, gratitude, remembrance, or negotiation with the spirit world. The lyrics, sung in Tetun or other local languages, carry encoded histories, ancestral teachings, and emotional expressions that elevate the dance beyond entertainment into the realm of cultural storytelling.\n\nTebe-tebe plays a vital role in moments of social and spiritual transition. It may be performed to welcome guests, to celebrate a marriage, to honor the dead, or to invoke protection and blessing during a harvest ceremony such as sau-batar. In each case, the dance serves to activate communal energy and connect the visible world with the ancestral realm.\n\nThe inclusive nature of the dance—performed by people of all ages and social backgrounds—reflects its egalitarian spirit. It is not restricted to professional dancers or experts; rather, it is meant to be shared, learned through observation and participation from a young age. In many villages, elders pass on the steps and songs during festivals and ceremonies, and school programs and cultural centers are increasingly incorporating tebe-tebe into youth education to ensure its survival.\n\nWhile variations exist across regions, the essence of tebe-tebe remains consistent: it is a dance of the people, by the people, and for the people. In its rhythm and repetition, the community finds both cohesion and catharsis—expressing sorrow, joy, solidarity, and reverence through a single, unified movement.\n\nToday, tebe-tebe continues to evolve. It is performed not only in rural rituals but also on national stages, international cultural events, and heritage festivals. And while some modern adaptations have emerged, the traditional forms are still held with deep respect, especially by elders who carry the memory of its ceremonial power.\n\nIn every echo of the babadok and every synchronized step of the dancers, tebe-tebe tells a timeless story—of a people connected to one another, to their ancestors, and to the living land they call home.

ICH Video Production in the Asia-Pacific Region : Central Asia\n\nRapid urbanization and westernization are changing the environments in which intangible cultural heritage is rooted. The importance of documentation that traces the effect of social changes on intangible cultural heritage is being emphasized as a safeguarding measure. Quality video documentation is an important resource that enables the conservation and transmission of existing intangible cultural heritage and raises its visibility.\n\nVideo documentation is the best medium to record intangible cultural heritage in the most lifelike manner, using the latest technologies. It is also an effective tool for communicating with the public. However, conditions for video production in the Asia-Pacific remain poor, requiring extensive support for quality video documentation.\n\nICHCAP has been working to build the safeguarding capabilities of Member States and raise the visibility of intangible cultural heritage in the Asia-Pacific by supporting the true-to-life documentation of intangible cultural heritage as this heritage is practiced and cooperating with experts, communities, and NGOs in related fields.\n\nSince 2010, ICHCAP has hosted annual Central Asian sub-regional network meetings with Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Mongolia to support the ICH safeguarding activities of Central Asia. Through their collaboration, ICHCAP has supported projects involving collecting ICH information, producing ICH websites, and constructing ICH video archives.\n\nAt the Sixth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Jeonju in 2015, ICHCAP, four Central Asian countries, and Mongolia adopted a second three-year cooperation project plan on producing ICH videos to enhance the visibility of ICH in Central Asia.\n\nICHCAP developed guidelines and training programs for the project and invited video and ICH experts from the participating countries, and held a workshop in November 2015. After the workshop, focal points for the project were designated in each country, and each focal point organization formed an expert meeting and a video production team to produce ICH videos.\n\nInterim reports were submitted to ICHCAP in February 2016, and the first preview screening was held in Dushanbe, Tajikistan, during the Seventh Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in May 2016. Since then, each country has carried out the project according to the project plan. ICHCAP met with each country between October 2016 to February 2017 to check on the project progress.\n\nAfter the final preview screening during the Eighth Central Asia Sub-regional Network Meeting in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, in 2017, final editing process took place in each country, and fifty ICH videos were completed by October 2017.\n\nAll photos introduced on this page along with fifty ICH videos are from the exhibition 'Living Heritage: Wisdom of Life' held in the Republic of Kyrgyzstan and the Republic of Korea. Designed for introducing various ICH in the five countries, this exhibition shows photos on representative twenty elements in each country collected during the process of on-site survey and documentation for ICH Video Production Project in Central Asia by experts participated in the ICH video production project.\n\nICHCAP will continue its ICH documentation projects in the Asia-Pacific region for the next ten years by expanding the scope from Central Asia and Mongolia to Southeast Asia, Southwest Asia, and the Pacific.\n\n\nPartners\nMongolian National Commission for UNESCO • National Commission of the Kyrgyz Republic for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO • National Commission of the Republic of Tajikistan for UNESCO • Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage Mongolia • National Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage under the National Commission of the Republic of Kazakhstan for UNESCO and ISESCO • School of Fine Art and Technical Design named after Abylkhan Kasteyev • State Institute of Arts and Culture of Uzbekistan • Tajik film • Tajikistan Research Institute of Culture Information • Korea Educational Broadcasting System • Asia Culture Center\n\nSupporters\nUNESCO Almaty and Tashkent Cluster Offices • Cultural Heritage Administration • Panasonic Korea • Turkish Airlines

Webinar: “Life, Environment, and ICH along the Silk Roads”\n\n<Day 1>\n\n1. 'The Need to Shift from Global to Local' by Helena Norberg-Hodge\n2. 'On Cooperative Mechanism for the Silk Roads ICH toward Sustainable Development' by Seong-Yong Park\n3. 'Vitality and Sustainability of the Silk Roads ICH Festivals' by Alisher Ikramov\n4. 'The Water-Performance Installation Project—Art Practice for the Coexistence of Humanity and Nature in the Silk Roads Region' by Dong-jo Yoo\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession1 : Online Strategic Meeting on Silk Roads ICH Networking\n: Case Studies on the Vitalization of the Silk Roads ICH: ICH Festivals & Sustainable Development\n\n1. 'Case of Tajikistan : Role of Festivals for ICH Safeguarding Within Local Communities' by Dilshod Rahimi\n2. 'Case of Kyrgyzstan: Influences and Effects of ICH Festivals on Local Communities' by Sabira Soltongeldieva\n3. 'Case of Kazakhstan: ICH Festivals’ Influence and Effects on Local Communities' by Khanzada Yessenova\n4. 'Andong International Mask Dance Festival: Realization of Folkloric Values and Transmission of ICH' by Ju Ho Kim\n5. 'Case of Turukmenistan : Future of ICH Safeguarding' by Shohrat Jumayev\n\n<Day 2>\n\nSession2: Cooperation and Solidarity for Operating the ICH Network along the Silk Roads\n\n1. 'On the Feasibility of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Sangcheol Kim\n2. 'Operational Issues of the Network' by Alim Feyzulayev\n3. 'Cultural Context of a CIOFF Festival' by Philippe Beaussant\n4. 'ICH Festivals in Specific Goal and Task' by Kaloyan Nikolov\n5. 'Identifying Ways to Develop Intangible Heritage Festivals through Community Networks (Focusing on the Case of the Gijisi Tug-of-War Festival)' by Daeyoung Ko\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion\n\nSession3: Collaborative Work and Benefits through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network\n\n1. 'Scope and Definition of Collaborative Work through Activities of the Silk Roads ICH Network' by Kwon Huh\n2. 'Cooperative Measures for Festivals in the Silk Road Region' by Jahangir Selimkhanov\n3. 'ichLinks: Information-Sharing Platform as a Key Base for Safeguarding and Use of Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Asia-Pacific' by Sangmook Park\n4. 'Case Study: Silk Roads Heritage Corridor - Afghanistan, Central Asia, and Iran' by Krista Pikkat\n5. 'UNESCO Silk Road Online Platform' by Mehrdad Shabahang\n\nㅇ Panel Discussion

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

CD3_FOLK SONGS OF NEPAL\n\nNepal is still extremely rich in folk songs, though these are less popular with younger generations. The music culture has traditionally been an oral culture passed down from guru to pupil. Many songs that have never been recorded or written down are thought to have been lost. Fortunately, several enthusiastic folklorists, musicians, singers, and researchers have made collections of folk song lyrics to promulgate them, focusing especially on the rarer and most endangered folk songs. We present here a few examples.

CD1_BHAJANS OF NEPALI FOLK CULTURE\n\nA bhajan is a spiritual chant in traditional Nepalese culture that is performed mainly in temples. The lyrics typically recount the good deeds of various gods and goddesses. It is believed that the performance of a bhajan brings about peace and prosperity and an improved quality of life for all living beings. Bhajans of Nepali Folk Culture This CD includes examples from four distinct categories of bhajan, namely Devi Bhajan, Dafa Bhajan, Khainjadi Bhajan, and Usha Charitra Bhajan.

Serenicumu literally means “bumping songs,” a genre of popular music that is widespread throughout Fiji today and is performed in villages as well as at local resorts and hotels. These songs are covers of or are influenced by styles from Europe and America as well as from other Pacific islands or the Caribbean (particularly reggae). They are often performed at informal yaqona drinking sessions and are also associated with informal dance types broadly termed tauratale or danisi (taken from the English word ”dance”).\n\nThe exact origin of the genre is obscure. Serenicumu is said to be associated with the first legally allowed sales of beer to Indigenous Fijians in the 1920s in Suva, and it is suggested that this genre originated from parties where men bumped their drinking glasses together. Another source further adds that this music was originally called sere ni cumu saqa (saqa meaning “barrel” or “tankard”) and that it referred to the practice of Fijian men sitting in a circle at a table and resting their heads against their tankards of beer. Many serenicumu songs still performed today date from World War II―an intense period of creativity for this genre―when soldiers from the US, Aotearoa (New Zealand), and Australia interacted extensively with Fijians.\n\nCurrently, musicians distinguish two main styles of serenicumu: trio and sere bass (also called sere makawa or “old songs,” even though they may be fifteen or more years old). Sere bass performance features a large group of bass vocalists (bass/besi) in addition to three solo voice parts: tatabani/tatabana, domo tolu/vakababa, and laga/lagalaga in descending order in terms of their vocal range. Only the three solo parts are heard in trio. The types and roles of the instruments, their tuning, and their playing techniques have also changed over time. The technique of vadivadi (plucking), which characterized sere bass guitar performance in the past, has been replaced by various “scrumming” (strumming) for the rhythm guitar and a range of left- and right-handed techniques for the lead guitarist. The only chords used in sere bass were dua(tonic), rua (subdominant), and tolu (dominant), whereas trio also featured warning (seventh), minus (minor), and flat (supertonic) chords.\n\nAnyone can participate in sere bass performance, which makes it ideal for use at large social gatherings. Trio performers are expected to perform to a high standard and are usually heard at small social functions such as yaqona drinking sessions.\nThe tempo tends to be slower and the overall pitch lower in sere bass when compared to trio. Sere bass, being closer stylistically to meke, tends to be preferred by older people (those in their mid-40s and above) and provides them with a means to connect with and celebrate their cultural roots. Trio, which tends to be popular with those in their 20s and 30s, exhibits a greater degree of Westernization than sere bass, but it is still regarded as being part of the serenicumu oral tradition that has been passed down through the generations and that continues to change as new songs are continually added to the repertoire and old ones fall into disuse.

CD2_JAATRAAS OF NEPAL\n\nA jaatraa is usually an annual festival associated with a particular god or goddess. A ritual is performed in a temple dedicated to the deity. People of all ages, ethnicities, and religions come together to celebrate a local jaatraa. It is believed that a god may join in the festival by possessing one of the participants. The possessed person is usually taller than others and often wears a turban. Other participants may also entera trance state, and they are also believed to be possessed by a god. This is considered a sign that the god is happy with the jaatraa. A jaatraa typically includes a procession in which the image of the god or goddess is mounted on a chariot accompanied by musicians and other worshippers.

In 2015, ICHCAP with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO and the Fine Arts Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan released the CD collection Melodies from Uzbekistan as part of its cooperation project to restore and digitize analogue resources on ICH.\n\nThis selection of audio resources are aged audio recordings stored at the Fine Arts Institute of the Academy of Sciences that have been restored and converted into a format suitable for storage and playback in media used today. The audio tracks in the collection consist of folk music recorded from field research conducted in Uzbekistan and border regions from the 1950s to the 1980s as well as studio recordings made from the 1930s to the 1970s. The eight CDs contain Uzbek songs related to work, animal rearing, rituals, and other important parts of day-to-day life in the region; instrumental music featuring various traditional Uzbek musical instruments, such as the dutor and g'ajir nay; and important Islamic oral traditions, such as maqoms and dostons.\n\nAlthough the traditional music of Central Asia may be unfamiliar to listeners from other parts of the world, the CDs come with information booklets in Uzbek, English, and Korean to provide an engaging experience for people from outside the region.\nThe selection represents the diverse and rich musical traditions of Uzbekistan and will be invaluable resources in the field of ICH education and promotion.

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

Sounds that Run in the Vast Grasslands of Mongolia_Oral Traditions and Performing Arts in Mongolia\n\nSince the early 1950s, the Institute of Language and Literature at the Academy of Science (ILL) has been sending survey teams one to three times a year to research and gather data on oral literature and local dialectics. These activities set the groundwork for officially establishing a new archive with written documents and magnetic audio tapes that could be used for research purposes and be maintained. Preserved on magnetic tapes are languages and dialects that have gone extinct, have lost their distinctiveness, or have been adsorbed into other languages or dialects.\n\nHowever, most of the magnetic tapes being kept at the ILL are more than sixty years old, and the expiration date on many tapes has already lapsed. Also, improper storage conditions have caused some tapes to dry out, cling to one another, or fracture. For these reason, it would be hard to transmit to the next generation. Accordingly, since 2008, efforts have been made towards restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes within the internal capability and capacity of the ILL. The lack of training, finance, and proper tools and technical equipment has, nevertheless, created several obstacles and the digitizing results have not been very successful.\n\nAt this crucial state, the ILL introduced a cooperative request to the Foundation for the Protection of Natural and Cultural Heritage (FPNCH), and the FPNCH proposed that ICHCAP continue the joint project and take measures for restoring and digitizing superannuated magnetic tapes and distributing and disseminating the data among the general public. According to the above decision, the FPNCH and ICHCAP implemented the Joint Cooperation Project of Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage by Using Information Technology from October 2011 to April 2012.\n\nAs the first stage of the project, the Expert Meeting for Safeguarding ICH by Using Information Technology was held in the Republic of Korea to exchange information with experts for digitizing and restoring the analogue data. The experts of Mongolian National Public Radio, the ILL, and the FPNCH started the project after sharing restoration and digitization knowledge with the Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) of Korea, the National Archives of Korea, and the Korea Film Council.\n\nAs the main outcome of the project, a total of 715 hours of superannuated magnetic tapes including epics, folk tales, tales accompanied by the morin khuur, traditional arts, khuumei, chor, long and short folksongs, and traditional customs were restored, digitized, and categorized. Among them, 128 audio clips were selected and reproduced in a ten-CD collection called Sounds from the Mongolian Grasslands. The collection also includes a twenty-page handbook in English or Korean. Through this project, the general public’s, involved organizations’, and domestic and international experts’ awareness about Mongolian ICH increased, and the archive and music contents of regional ICH were strengthened.

Lialiaci is a publication of the iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture, Ministry of iTaukei Affairs.\nLialiaci means to ponder or reflect upon deeply. That is the intent of these articles and perspectives on culture. \n\nThe Vanua Spirituality will attempt to explain the ancient spirituality of the indigenous people of Fiji. Indigenous spirituality is important because it describes in totality the significance of the Vanua, its worldview and vanua ethos. \n\nFijian Bread; The people of Qoma are fisherfolk, and part of their traditional role is the presentation of turtle accompanied with a basket of Fijian bread 'madrainiviti' to the chief of Verata and Dawasamu. Before the introduction of wheat bread in Fiji, their ancestors were enjoying traditional bread made out of fermented root crops.\n\nThe five Cultural Protected Water Body (CPWB) Types in Fiji; A total of five CPWB were found to be practiced in Fiji.\n

Pacific islanders have been dealing with changing environmental factors for centuries. Adapting to change is part of Pacific lifestyles, and traditional knowledge, values, and practices—or intangible cultural heritage—underpins the ability of Pacific communities to live successfully and thrive in their environment. In this brief brochure, a publication by the UNESCO Office in Apia and ICHCAP, we learn how intangible cultural heritage, along with other scientific knowledge, may enhance the communities’ resilience against natural disasters and climate change. The following examples relating culture and sustainable environments are included in the brochure:\n\n- Traditional Navigation Systems\n- Environmental Resource Management\n- Vernacular Architecture\n- Social Cohesion, Networks, and Cooperation

Together with the UNESCO National Commissions in the Central Asia, the Seventh Central Asi Sub-regional Meeting on the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage was held between 16 and 18 May at Dushanbe, Tajikistan.\n\nThe report includes papers of the thematic symposium on Sacred Cultural Spaces, Safeguarding ICH and Enhancing Identity and country reports.

This short brochure gives an overview of ICHCAP, providing a brief history of the organization as well as an overview of its functions and activities related to safeguarding ICH in the Asia-Pacific region as a UNESCO category 2 center.\n\n