Main Puteri (the play of the spirits) is a ritualistic healing ceremony in which Tok Puteri—a Malay Shaman serves as an intermediary between the inhabitants of the real and the nether worlds. In this ceremony, the puteri (spirits) are able tone act a play to treat the patients who usually need to revitalise their psychic energy (angin) and spirit (semangat). Many Kelantanese believe that illnesses purportedly due to ghost, evil spirits or witchcraft are the ones that are most susceptible to this ceremony. Patient of these illness commonly lack soul substance and are manifested by their state of depression and general withdrawal. Auditory hallucinations are taken to be evidence of ghost possession.\nThis ceremony employs the performance elements of traditional musical ensembles, dance movements and dramatic dialogue during the process of healing. The musical ensemble resembles those of a Mak Yong musical ensemble: rebab, a pair of gendang, and a pair of gongs. Additional instruments such as serunai, gedombak, geduk, canang from the Wayang Kulit performance are also used in some ceremonies. These musicians play to accompany the chanting, singing and the movements of the Tok Minduk and Tok Puteri. Tok Minduk—nwho can also be the Rebab player—is Tok Puteri’s partner and sounding board tone gage and guide Tok Puteri to the relevant spirits.

Main Puteri (the play of the spirits) is a ritualistic healing ceremony in which Tok Puteri—a Malay Shaman serves as an intermediary between the inhabitants of the real and the nether worlds. In this ceremony, the puteri (spirits) are able tone act a play to treat the patients who usually need to revitalise their psychic energy (angin) and spirit (semangat). Many Kelantanese believe that illnesses purportedly due to ghost, evil spirits or witchcraft are the ones that are most susceptible to this ceremony. Patient of these illness commonly lack soul substance and are manifested by their state of depression and general withdrawal. Auditory hallucinations are taken to be evidence of ghost possession.\nThis ceremony employs the performance elements of traditional musical ensembles, dance movements and dramatic dialogue during the process of healing. The musical ensemble resembles those of a Mak Yong musical ensemble: rebab, a pair of gendang, and a pair of gongs. Additional instruments such as serunai, gedombak, geduk, canang from the Wayang Kulit performance are also used in some ceremonies. These musicians play to accompany the chanting, singing and the movements of the Tok Minduk and Tok Puteri. Tok Minduk—nwho can also be the Rebab player—is Tok Puteri’s partner and sounding board tone gage and guide Tok Puteri to the relevant spirits.

Main Puteri (the play of the spirits) is a ritualistic healing ceremony in which Tok Puteri—a Malay Shaman serves as an intermediary between the inhabitants of the real and the nether worlds. In this ceremony, the puteri (spirits) are able tone act a play to treat the patients who usually need to revitalise their psychic energy (angin) and spirit (semangat). Many Kelantanese believe that illnesses purportedly due to ghost, evil spirits or witchcraft are the ones that are most susceptible to this ceremony. Patient of these illness commonly lack soul substance and are manifested by their state of depression and general withdrawal. Auditory hallucinations are taken to be evidence of ghost possession.\nThis ceremony employs the performance elements of traditional musical ensembles, dance movements and dramatic dialogue during the process of healing. The musical ensemble resembles those of a Mak Yong musical ensemble: rebab, a pair of gendang, and a pair of gongs. Additional instruments such as serunai, gedombak, geduk, canang from the Wayang Kulit performance are also used in some ceremonies. These musicians play to accompany the chanting, singing and the movements of the Tok Minduk and Tok Puteri. Tok Minduk—nwho can also be the Rebab player—is Tok Puteri’s partner and sounding board tone gage and guide Tok Puteri to the relevant spirits.

Main Puteri (the play of the spirits) is a ritualistic healing ceremony in which Tok Puteri—a Malay Shaman serves as an intermediary between the inhabitants of the real and the nether worlds. In this ceremony, the puteri (spirits) are able tone act a play to treat the patients who usually need to revitalise their psychic energy (angin) and spirit (semangat). Many Kelantanese believe that illnesses purportedly due to ghost, evil spirits or witchcraft are the ones that are most susceptible to this ceremony. Patient of these illness commonly lack soul substance and are manifested by their state of depression and general withdrawal. Auditory hallucinations are taken to be evidence of ghost possession.\nThis ceremony employs the performance elements of traditional musical ensembles, dance movements and dramatic dialogue during the process of healing. The musical ensemble resembles those of a Mak Yong musical ensemble: rebab, a pair of gendang, and a pair of gongs. Additional instruments such as serunai, gedombak, geduk, canang from the Wayang Kulit performance are also used in some ceremonies. These musicians play to accompany the chanting, singing and the movements of the Tok Minduk and Tok Puteri. Tok Minduk—nwho can also be the Rebab player—is Tok Puteri’s partner and sounding board tone gage and guide Tok Puteri to the relevant spirits.

The Apsara dance is a dance inspired by the bas relief on the corridors of the Angkor Wat. It is also referred to as Khmer traditional dance and Khmer royal ballet, and was inscribed to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity under the title ‘The Royal Ballet of Cambodia’.\n\nApsaras are spirits of cloud and water in Hindu and Buddhist legends. They are also referred to as ‘celestial dancers’ or ‘dancing goddesses’. The dance is characterized by magical golden costumes, elaborate make up and accessories, and slow, elegant movements. Its detailed and elaborate hand gestures can only be performed by highly skilled dancers.\n\nThe Apsara dance has been performed at official events of the Khmer royal court such as coronations, weddings, funerals and celebrations for over 1,000 years. Today, the dance which recreates legends about the origins and history of the Khmer is regarded by Cambodians as a symbol of their culture. Although its practice was interrupted under the communist regime in the 60s and 70s, it was dramatically restored in 1979, right after the collapse of the Pol Pot regime. While its former glory has been restored to a certain extent, it still faces many challenges such as the lack of official support, difficulty in finding performance spaces, competition with popular culture and over-commercialization as a tourism product.\n\nCharacteristics:\n·Inscribed to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008 (The Royal Ballet of Cambodia)\n\nPerformed by Leu Sivmeng, Leng Sreypenh, Pich Raksmey\nDirected by Yon Sokhorn

In the historical books and folk beliefs of the Việt, there have been many stories and legends of Thánh Gióng - the Saint of the ancient Việt who was considered as one of the four immortal gods by the Vietnamese nationwide. The monarchic dynasties of the Great Việt in Vietnam bequeathed him as a Heavenly King. Legend has it that he was born as the result of a magical union between a girl from Gióng village and the giant footprint of the rain god in the Việt’s myths. At the age of three, he grew miraculously into a giant after hearing the King’s appeal to find gifted people to save the country and its people. After defeating the foreign invaders, the hero went to Sóc mountain and flew into the heaven.

The body of the harp is made of good quality Padauk wood. It is not as same as the Myanmar Harp because it is curved in the shape of the hull of a boat. The arm of the harp is made of PJn:ma (kind of large timber tree/ larger stroemiaspecion). The floral scroll-work is curved at the top of the arm and the square shape of the peg is used to tune the strings of harp. The reed of the harp is made of cutch wood. The body of young cow’s skin is covered the body of sound body. There are nine harp strings that are put on it. The creeper strings and the cane strings were yarned together as the harp strings which were used in the past time. Nowadays, steel strings are put on as the harp strings. When making the Karean harp ,first, go to the deep forest and make offering consisting of hands of bananas, coconut etc. The harp is made to be finished in the forest. Before putting the strings on it, it has to be made to gain magical power using star-flower, jasmine, the rock dammar flower, the frangipani flower, the vachellia flower (kind of fragrant flower) and the tiger-lady (species of orchid ). After making the harp, women don’t touch and hold it to make it more magical power according to Karean’s Tradition or custom.\nThe playing method of the Karean Harp is easy and simple. It can be easily learned to play by hearing musical scale up and down when the skillful player is playing it. After tuning the harp strings, it is held tenderly to the bosom. Left hand is placed with five or six strings for opening and closing tunes. The rest of one to four strings have to be played with the right thumb and forefinger.

The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.

Katta Ashula (a song performed with a plate) is specific to the Ferghana Valley of Uzbekistan. Usually, it is performed a cappella by two to five singers of the same vocal range who use a plate or tray to project their voices in different ways. In most cases, Katta Ashula is performed by singers with a high-pitched, wide-ranging voice, and these are some of the distinguishing features of the complex performance style. Katta Ashula developed from basic traditional events in history, from labour songs, and from different styles of ghazal verses. Usually, Katta Ashula is performed in big gatherings, festivities, and party celebrations.\n\nKatta Ashula songs were performed professionally and further developed by famous Khofizes such as Erkaqori Karimov, Turdiali Ergashev, Matbuva Sattorov, Jo'rakhon Sultonov, Mamurjon Uzoqov, Boltaboy Rajabov, Orif Alimakhsumov, Fattohkhon Mamadaliev, Jo' rakhon Yusupov, and Khamroqulqory To'raqulov. Today, Katta Ashula is masterfully performed by experienced singers with the highest skill, such as Khalima Nosirova, Munojot Yo'lchieva, Ismoil and Isroil Vakhobovs, and Mahmud Tojiboev.

Lapar performing arts, as an ancient folklore genre of people’s creation, has a rich history. Lapar songs are performed by famous artists during holidays, public festivities, and wedding parties as well as in a bride’s house in the evening during ‘Girls’ Evening’, ‘Girls’ Party’, and ‘Lapar Night’. Girls and boys perform Lapar songs composed of four-lined ghazals in two groups. Through Lapar songs, girls and boys express their love for each other, make decisions, and take oaths. They sing their heart’s grief with a certain melody but without any music. If both the girl and the boy who are singing Lapar fall in love with each other, they present gifts to one another. If the boys present flowers to girls, the girls present a kerchief, belt-kerchief, handkerchief, perfume, or some other gift.\n\nLapar songs are mainly composed of four-lined verses and are performed in the form of a dialogue between two parties. If they resemble o'lan songs from these features, they are distinguished by the ideas, literary references, descriptive objects, and the lifestyle that are sung in the lyrics- the level of thought is more highly developed by images. \n\nLapar songs were performed and became increasingly better known through the work of famous Lapar singers, such as Lutfikhonim Sarimsoqova, Tamarakhonim, Lizakhonim Petrosova, Gavkhar Rakhimova, Oykhon Yoqubova, Guishan Otaboyeva, To'khtakhon Nazarova, Qunduzkhon Egamberdiyeva, and others. To pay more attention to Lapar and o'lan songs, to collect them, to support the performers, and to publicise their creative work to the broader community, the Traditional Republican Festival of Lapar and O'lan performers is regularly conducted by the Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan.\n\n\n\n

O`lan is a genre of people's oral creation. Mainly, it is performed by women with or without doira accompaniment. At Uzbek parties and celebrations, the O`lan is sung by a girls' team on one side and a boys' team on the other side, or it is sung by two people who take opposing sides so they can perform as though they are having a dialogue.\n\nYor-yor is a folk song performed at a wedding celebration when the bride is seen off. In ancient times, it was widespread among Uzbek, Tajik, Uygur, and Turkmen people. Yor-yor consists of two or four lines; at the end or in the middle of each line are the words 'yor-yor, aylanaman' (my beloved one, I am enchanted). Usually, yor-yor is accompanied by doira music performed by women. The high effect of yor-yor is that it simultaneously harmonises sadness with a merry melody, tone, and the mood of holiday joys. In yor-yor songs, the bride's features, wishes, cherished dreams, and congratulations to her are praised. \n\nThe Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in cooperation with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, organised an expedition to Ferghana Valley to research and classify intangible cultural heritage samples as well as to inventory and define the bearers of this heritage. The expedition team recorded samples of O'lan songs from ICH bearers and transmitters of intangible cultural heritage, including Xayrullo Mirzayev, Hanifa Mirzayeva, Inoyat Rafiqova, Makhbuba Yo'ldosheva, Baxtiyor Turg'unov, Zebikhon Abdunazarova, Ko'paysin Oqboyeva, and Qo'zikhon Siddiqova.

Alla (lullaby) is an oral form of ICH sung by one person, usually a mother who is putting her baby to sleep. Alla is important in raising a child. That alla is a unique part of Turkic culture has been stated in many sources. Alla is highly emotive in that it allows a child to perceive not only motherly affection but also her spiritual sufferings. \n\nAlla creators and performers are mothers. The content and melody of all songs are derived from the spiritual state of a mother. The Spirit of the period is reflected in the song. Today, mothers perform all, enriching the songs with new content by signing and praising love for life, a happy life, and a bright future. The Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in cooperation with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, organized an expedition to Ferghana Valley to research and classify intangible cultural heritage samples as well as to inventory and define the bearers of this heritage. The expedition team recorded samples of alla songs. Through these recordings, listeners can feel a high sense of motherly love as well as the utterance of a suffering human spirit. \n\nAlla\nI say alla my dear baby, \nListen to it. alla. \nListening to my sweet alla, \nEnjoy rest, alla. \nListen to my sweet alla, \nGo to sleep, alla, \nMay your future be prosperous. \nMy little soul, alla-yo.

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 18 is 'TRADITIONAL FERMENTED FOOD'.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 20 is 'TRADITIONAL TUG-OF-WAR GAME.'

Communities in the Asia-Pacific region greet the New Year at different times depending on region and religion. Communities celebrate a new beginning with traditional songs and dances. This volume introduces traditional performing arts to celebrate the beginning of the New Year in Japan, Nepal, Micronesia, and Myanmar.

2019 World Forum for Intangible Cultural Heritage