Pencak Silat is an intangible cultural heritage that allows a community to express its culture and, more importantly, is a vehicle that allows practitioners to manifest the best values passed to them by their teachers for the benefit of all in society. It is practiced in countries in Southeast Asia, including Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia. However, not much research has been done on the history and culture of Pencak Silat in Singapore. The project entitled “Preserving Intangible Cultural Heritage: Documenting and Recording the History, Culture and Memory of Malay Martial Arts Groups in Singapore,” led by Dr. Mohamed Effendy from the Department of Southeast Asian Studies, National University of Singapore, and sponsored by the National Heritage Board of Singapore, is therefore a timely one. It aims to safeguard the history and culture of Malay martial groups of Singapore by documenting and recording their past and cultural activities. Thus, the project provides the inspiration and backdrop for this paper, which will describe how Pencak Silat connects communities in Singapore to their historical origins. The paper will also analyze how Pencak Silat has contributed to the social and cultural success of the Singapore Malay community today, and lastly, it will examine to what extent Pencak Silat values can be used to further enhance the development of a community.

Co-orgarnized by ICHCAP and Hue Monuments Conservation Centre (HMCC), this year’s Asia-Pacific ICH NGO Conference was held in Hue, Vietnam under the theme of ICH NGOs towards Sustainable Development of Communities.

"It is not for nothing that the Pamir Mountains in the Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region of the Republic of Tajikistan (GBAO) are called the “Roof of the World”—Ismoil Somoni’s peak reaches 7,495 meters. Pamir is characterized by huge permanent glaciers and narrow mountain ranges with sharp snowy ridges, and large lakes sitting 5,500 meters above sea level. The impenetrable mountain gorges go some way to explaining the emergence of an exceptional lifestyle, different languages, dialects, and monocultures. Currently, six of the oldest East Iranian unwritten languages are in use in the Pamirs: Shugni, Rushani, Bartangi, Yazgulami, Wakhi, and Ishkashimi as well as some Persian dialects and Kyrgyz lan- guages. The folklore of the Pamiri people is passed on not only in local vernacular, but also in Tajik, the official language. The Pamir highlanders have their own distinctive tradi- tions. A person from this region has their journey from birth to death accompanied by all kinds of rituals, customs, and traditions. Life events such as maternity, family and house- hold, wedding, marriage, holiday, and calendar production are marked, adding meaning to the highlanders’ daily life."

During Dan-o, Daeboreum, and Chuseok, pre-modern Koreans used to hold celebrations composed of rituals to the communal deity, communal games, and various folk arts. Among the communal games, the tug-of-war was the most common. It was widely distributed around the central southern region of Korea and played simultaneously or in rotation with other communal games.

The tug-of-war is one of the most well-known intangible cultural heritage elements that represent the Republic of Korea. Tug-of-war games were widely enjoyed by people across the country before the 1930s and 1940s. During the 1960s, the tug-of-war came under the protection of the Cultural Heritage Conservation Policy and has been appointed and is being managed by local and national governments. Locally, eight tug-of-war traditions have been inscribed on the national inventory list. Moreover, compared to other ICH element studies, of the element has been significantly researched.\n\nTug-of-war is a cultural heritage element of many East Asian nations, and these nations are preparing to nominate the element to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In this context, the goal of this paper is to discover universal traits in tug-of-war traditions in East Asia. However, besides the Republic of Korea and Japan, there is insufficient research on tug-of-war traditions in the region, which limits the scope of this presentation. In case of China, despite the existence of various records on tug-of-war in literature, the tradition as it exists in China today seems to be more of a sports match than a ritual event. I would also like to mention that this paper is a draft based on document records, the Internet, and the academic symposium hosted by Gijisi Tug-of-War Conservation Institute.

The subject of this study is to find out the protection and sustenance ways of Shaman heritage among the Turks of Turkey. As it is known, Turks of Turkey are shaman community in terms of ancient religions and world-views such as Kazakhs, Uighurs, Uzbeks, Turkmen, Altai, Republic of Tuva, Sakha and other Turkish tribes constituting the Turkish World. Majority of the Turks of Turkey migrated from the middle of today’s Mongolia to the shores of Aegean Sea and Balkan Peninsula in the last 1500 years. Another factor complicating this 1500-year migration is the fact that Turks accepted Manichaeism, Buddhism, Christianity and some groups accepted Judaism. Normally while it was expected that they pursued various religions and dispersed in this tens of thousands kilometer square, these Oghuz tribes weren’t assimilated and they assimilated many communities whose administration they undertook within the scope of their control.

Throughout the years, I have been researching Korean recreational activ-ities, and among them, the tug-of-war was definitely the most central theme. According to my research, the Korean tug-of-war has many different fea-tures following the different regional characteristics, but they also have similar patterns. Although it is possible to speculate that the diverse characteristics of each region’s tug-of-war is due to the area’s geo-ecological, sociocultural, and magi-co-religious factors and culture exchange, it is difficult to prove these factors in depth. Thus, this paper examines the diverse features present in the tug-of-war through studies completed up to now. Also I would like to add that the only intent for the tug-of-war studies was to compile and examine them in this report. Despite many methods in examining the diversity of tug-of-war, this paper sets a few standards to reveal the present features, and with these standards, the meaning of Korean tug-of-war can be understood.

Korean shamanism has two faces. One firmly preserves tradition maintaining consistency from ancient past and this is the essence of traditional shamanism. This is how shamanism retains continuity with the past and serves as an important part of cultural heritage. Meanwhile, Korean shamanism is also going through drastic changes to adapt to the changing social environments, becoming a part of modern cultural heritage. It continues in different dimensions of transition and being reborn with each new era. In this sense, Korean shamanism is constantly changing. On the other hand, some part of Korean shamanism remain constant amidst the process of change. The most pertinent modes of transmission are found in the dimensions of linguistics, oral tradition, behavior, and materials. Linguistic transmission in Korean shamanism is based on the linguistic foundation of local dialects a unified national language. It is also considered to be a result of historical transmission as it contains the legacies of certain historical eras. Oral tradition refers to the comprehensive sum of transmission through elements in muism and gut culture such as bonpuri, muga, ritualistic language and individual initiation ceremonies. Transmission through actions or behavior include ritual dances and other ritualistic acts. Material transmission refers to material elements derived from the shamanistic ritual of gut as well as the entire tradition.

Traditional music is a form of art capable of determining the survival of the safeguarding of tradition. This is related to the factor of increasing decline of people’s interest in the existence of tradition and increasing advancement of technology, which is considered a sign of modernity. It is as if technological advancement is considered one of the most important needs of the current age, which is then used as a yardstick to measure a person’s ability. Those who have not mastered technology are considered incapable of following the developments of the age, and thus the focus of society is more toward the development of technology. This will surely influence people’s interest in safeguarding the tradition, as the opinion arises that things related to tradition are considered obstacles toward developing technology itself. \n\nThus, technology and tradition are placed as being opposed to one another. On another side, the existence of tradition is often considered something old-fashioned, behind the times, and boring for the younger generation. Even arts practitioners and academics appear to be less interested in researching or doing treatment of new compositions so that the above tradition might become attractive to the younger generation. This article will not discuss all traditional music in Indonesia, but rather will focus on the matter of traditional music of the Dayak ethnic community as one of the original ethnic communities of Kalimantan island.

Globalization, the age of information, and a prime era of technology where cultures and meanings collide—it is strange how we often find ourselves disorientated with it all, the local versus the global, the familiar versus the foreign. Just so, the narrative surrounding Vietnam has quite a “foreign” presence among the international audience, and even domestically to some degree. The first images people think of when it comes to Vietnam are perhaps the war, or maybe they’d focus on the cuisine and natural scenery thanks to the effort of tourism footage in more recent years. The image is either of the country’s trauma-bound identity or a paradise land of amazing landscapes. While not entirely wrong, those narratives don’t fully reflect the complexity of a Vietnam that was, is, and will be. Telling a diverse and complex Vietnamese story in an honest and caring manner is one of the goals of Cultura Fish; it’s a direct result of our very lived experiences of interacting with our peers from across the globe and within the country.

The Kasteyev State Museum of Arts in Almaty has gathered a unique collection of Kazakh jewelry made during the eighteenth through twentieth centuries. These examples vary in form, type, and technique. The distinctive features commonly found on Kazakh jewelry make them true masterpieces which reflect a specific philosophical understanding of the world and demonstrate the great artistic abilities of the Kazakh people. Indeed, every element that comprises an individual piece of Kazakh jewelry, including its form, details, the material it was produced from, and patterns, has a specific purpose and meaning.\nKazakhstan’s abundant supply of nonferrous and precious metals, including gold and silver, encouraged the development of its metalwork for millennia. Casting, forging, molding, stamping, and embossing techniques emerged as early as the second millennium BC, during the Bronze Age, as did signatory traditional designs for jewelry worn by the Kazakhs both historically and today. Saka treasures discovered in different areas of Kazakhstan—the Issyk Kurgan and the Besshatyr, Kargaly, Altyn-Emel, Tagisken, Uigarak, and Berel burials—are true masterpieces.\nBy studying jewelry, scholars can discern a great deal of important social, economic, and cultural information about the people who wore them. The style of jewelry changed during the Migration Period when the Huns moved westward from 47 BC until the fourth century AD. Artisans applied fine metalwork to nearly all objects where metal was used, from jewelry and household items to harnesses.

This networking program is based on experiences and achievements obtained from the collaborative work of UNESCO-ICHCAP in the living heritage field in Central Asia over the last decade.\n\nFor reference, the networking program comes on the heels of a three-party MoU signed by ICHCAP and organizations in Uzbekistan in 2019 and was followed by a Central Asia network meeting in Kazakhstan in 2019. In 2020, ICHCAP in cooperation with International Institute for Central Asian Studies (IICAS), conducted a survey project about ICH festivals along the Silk Roads, particularly with countries along the steppe route. Regarding the survey result, ICHCAP, IICAS and Korea-Central Asia Cooperation Forum Secretariat of the Korea Foundation (KF) held an online webinar and a strategic meeting to consider the need for realizing the multilateral values of Silk Roads-related cooperation