I am Alina Tamrakar. I am an architect currently working in documentation and restoration of heritage structures affected by the massive earthquake of 2015. I belong to Newa community who are the indigenous people of Kathmandu valley. Kathmandu is the capital of Nepal. Born and raised in a typical Newa family who has always put rituals and tradition in the first place, I was always very connected to the cultural heritage of Kathmandu. As I grew up being part of the festivals and rituals, there were always numbers of questions running inside: why do we celebrate these festivals, what is the story behind it, who initiated the traditions and so on. After the devastating earthquake took down so many monuments, some of which carried centuries-old history, it gave me time to reflect on the rich knowledge and skills that our ancestors held and handed it down to our generation. It also explained how tangible and intangible heritage are interlinked with each other. Also, a realization that there is still so much to learn from our heritage and to pass on to the next generation.\nAmong the Newa community, Tamrakars are one of such communities, who follow Buddhism. Gunla is one of many festivals celebrated in Kathmandu valley. It is the tenth month in Nepal Sambat lunar calendar, in which devotees from all around Kathmandu valley visit Swayambhu Stupa that is also one of UNESCO’s World Heritage Sites. The festival of Gunla last for one whole month. In addition to this, devotees also take a visit to different Buddhist courtyards called Baha-bahi and other stupas and chaityas. The devotees in the process recite Holy Scriptures and play devotional gunla music. Music groups from different communities take part in the procession. Like other numerous communities, Tamrakar community also has the musical group named “Tamrakar Gunla Baajan Khala” who have been taking part in playing gunla music and reciting Holy Scriptures from time immemorial. The procession starts from a traditional courtyard called “Piganani” in Maru, near Kathmandu Durbar Square. Piganani is the centre point of the location where Tamrakars initially settled in Kathmandu. Every day for the month of gunla, the community of around 20- 25 (on Saturdays and holidays the number increased to around 50 attendees) start the procession from Piganani at 5:30 am and visit the Swayambhu stupa and come back to Piganani and end the tour at around 8:00 am. On holidays, the team takes a longer route covering other major Buddhist monasteries, chaityas and stupas on the way. During the procession, the devotees and practitioners cover a distance of 6 kilometres.\nUntil three years back, I used to take part in the procession just as an audience listening to people reciting the scriptures and watching the team of young members playing the drums and cymbals to play devotional gunla music. Three years back, I enrolled as one of the practitioners and started taking part in the procession. I came to know that earlier, women were not allowed to play musical instruments in the gunla procession, but only take part as devotees. However, as time passed on, the society opened the doors for women as well. In today’s time, there are a huge number of women practitioners who have taken the initiative to be a part of the team.\nThe tradition of playing gunla music, according to local experts is thousands of years old practice. As much as this musical tour is interesting, it is equally full of knowledge regarding our culture and tradition. Such practices of cultural heritage are not only a matter of pride that an individual or the whole nation takes in but also a major affirmation that such huge collection of knowledge, skill and accomplishment that our ancestors have developed are being transferred to the next generation. Apart from carrying on the tradition, it is also very necessary that we understand the depth of each of these practices in order to keep the tradition alive in the long run. It is equally necessary that we know where our roots lie while we soar up to reach the sky. This is only possible when youths take the initiative to participate in these practices and talk about the “why”, “what” and “how” while they do so.\nDuring Gunla procession different traditional musical instruments are played. “Dhā” and “Nayo khin:” are drums played on one side by bare palm and with a wooden stick on the other are the main musical instruments played during the procession. The small cymbals called “tā” give the beat to the drums and big cymbals and trumpets are played along. For the first time, starting this year, flutes have also been added to the band. The music performance begins with “Dyo lhayegu”, which is a small introductory piece played in order to invoke the “Nāsa dya”, a deity of performing arts. There are separate pieces especially played depending upon the time and place in the procession. For example, the piece played while revolving a chaitya or stupa is different from a one played while beginning the procession.\nThe practice session for each year, begin one or two months prior to gunla month. Anyone who is capable of learning to play the instruments is eligible to participate. The members of Tamrakar community enrol their younger ones once they are ready to take part, while people from other communities are also welcomed to participate in learning and later take part in the procession. The practice sessions take place each evening in the courtyard of Piganani where a guru, a teacher takes a lead in taking music classes. In addition to a regular teacher, the elders in the Tamrakar Gunla Baajan community also offer their presence as well as their knowledge so that the learners get all the support they need. The sessions are one of such encouraging steps that the elder generation in the Tamrakar Gunla Baajan Khala take that make sure that the centuries-old tradition of playing gunla music is safely being transferred to the next generation.

▶ Play Video 2. Into the Heart of the Mandaya A Journey through the Wilds of Davao Oriental\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on November 16, 1995. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nAnimals were offered in the context of the Mandaya cultural ritual.\n\nThe Mandaya are a complex group that can be referred to by different terms: Mangwanga, Mangrangan, Mangosan, Magosan, Pagsupan, Divavaonon, Dibabaon, and Mansaka. Members reside in Davao Oriental. They are concentrated in the municipalities of Caraga, Manay, Cateel, Lupon, and Tarragona. The known subgroupings are: (1) Mansaka, (2) Pagsupan, (3) Mangwanga (Mangrangan, Compostela), (4) Managosan, (5) Divavaon (Dibabaon, mixed Manobo Mandaya), and (6) Karaga.\n\nThe Mandaya occupy upstream areas, practicing slash-and-burn cultivation in highly dispersed settlements. In addition to a wide range of cropping for domestic consumption, abaca is cultivated as a cash crop. Rice, various tubers, and bananas form the bulk of their diet. Communities are dispersed usually near swiddens. Two or three family units usually occupy houses, and these are usually within sight even if dispersed. Proximity of these houses constitutes a neighborhood, which is loosely organized into a larger discrete domain with all of the households related through various kin relationships. Families are either nuclear or polygynous.\n\nTraditionally, each domain has a headman, bagani, whose word is considered law and who wears distinctive red clothing. He is the recognized protector of the community. His rule is tempered by an advisory council, angtutukay, usually composed of community elders. With the disappearance of the bagani social structure at present, the civil structures of the barangay prevail. There still exists, however, a conflict between the established civil authority and the informal authorities.\n\nThe Mandaya/Mansaka women are famous for their distinctive dresses and ornaments. Their tie-dye weaving and embroidery are intertwined through a sophisticated symbolic art system that evolved design motifs that each have names. The binulanbulan motif, for instance, consists of nested circles representing the moon, and suksuk ng kasili represents fish scales. These motifs are embroidered on blouses against a contrasting red or black background. The beadwork and silver craft on body ornaments mark this group as one of the most noteworthy in terms of art. Unique among Filipino ethno-linguistic groups are the women’s large ornate silver breast ornaments (platina), their multiple fossil shell arm bracelets, and their embroidered blouses. The men wear a distinctive narrow hat constructed from the shaft of a palm frond.

In Myanmar, ancient chronicles say that harps were being played as early as in the Pyu Period. In February of 802 A.D. Sri Khettra despatched a Pyu music and dance ensemble to Chan-ann the city of the Tang Dynasity of China. Tang Dynasty chronicles say that the Pyu musicians had with them two harps with pheasant’s head shapes, two harps with corcodile’s head shapes, one flat harp in the shape of a dragon’s head, one flat harp in the shape of rain clouds, two flat harps of big gourds, one flat gourd-harp with a single string and one small flat gourd-harp. Among rock relief sculptures found on the walls of the Ananda pagoda built by king Kyansittha in A.D 1084-1113 is a harp which indicates that the harp was in general use in those days.\nThe part where the neck joins the sound box is shaped like a leaf of the saga: (champac) while the stern is shaped like bowl. The tip of the neck is shaped like the leaf of the banyan tree. The neck is made of sha: (acaciacatechu) wood. The sound box is covered with a membrane of deer skin. Holes are perforated along the ridge to hold the ends of the strings. The intervals between the holes need to be of correct proportion, otherwise, the harp tends to be out of tune and also lacks proper form. Hence, the ridge is a critical component of the harp. When playing, the harp player sits cross-legged on the floor and rests the front of the body of the harp in his or her lap, with the arch on the harp player’s left and the rear of the harp’s body angled slightly upwards so that the strings are almost horizontal. The fingers of the left hand are braced against the outside of the arch and moved agilely up and down. A stopped tone is produced when the left thumb nail is pressed against the string from the inside to increase its tension and thus raise its pitch. The thumb and forefinger of the right hand, either separately or together, pluck the strings at their center while the right elbow rests on the top of the rear of the harp body outside of the strings. The left thumb may be used to pluck the bass of the harp figuration while the right thumb and forefinger pluck the melodic pattern. A skilled harpist promote clarity by jumping the string just sounded while sounding the next string. This jumping may be done with the middle finger, the palm of the hand, or the forefinger just after the activation when a staccato note is desired.

Jamu is a traditional medicine used in Indonesia. It is made primarily with natural ingredients such as roots, bark, flowers, seeds, leaves, and fruits, sometimes mixed with animal products such as honey, royal jelly, milk, and egg. Jamu originates from two ancient Javanese words, djampi meaning "medicine" and "healing," and oesodo meaning "health." Jamu is used all across Indonesia but most prevalently in Java. In large cities, sweet, refreshing drinks that contain bitter jamu and honey or palm sugar are sold on the streets.

The hne or oboe- like wind instrument occupies a critical position in the Myanmar music troupe. It belongs to the group of wind instruments and can cover the chromatic scale. It is found portrayed on the wooden door of the northern building on the platform of Bagan's Shwezigon Zedi. There are two kinds of hne, the big and the small. The hne consists of five parts:\n1. Reed which is made of the leaf from the toddy palm;\n2. Mouth piece made of gold, silver, brass, bronze or steel\n3. Tube or body of wood from padauk, yindaik, pyinkado, teak\n4. Horn\n5. "dano" or "cheek- guard" made of metal which encircles the upper moulding of the body; it guards the cheek which swells when blowing.\nThe big hne is an essential instrument which is played pleasantly occasions such as the ploughing ceremony or royal regatta when it accompanies the big drum, the bjo, sidaw, boating song, yeginthan theme. The big hne plays mournfully on inauspicious occasions when lamentation is called for. It accompanies the braintaung (egret wing) theme. In earlier days the big hne was accompanied by two short drums and one vertical drum when propitiating the nats (spirits) with bpunza (drum food). The small hne is played briskly to accompany the pot-drum and dobat. Currently used is the hne which produces C sharp note when four holes are closed. The tones produced by the hne are;\n1. one hole closed for the fifth degree\n2. two hole closed for the sixth degree\n3. three hole closed for the seventh degree\n4. four hole closed for fundamental C\n5. five hole closed for the second degree\n6. six hole closed for the third degree\n7. seven hole closed for the fourth degree\nWhen all holes are open the tone produced is of the fourth degree.

There are many forms of weaving and many items which can be woven on Kosrae. These include the weave mat (kiaka otwot), fan (pal), basket (fotoh), thatch on the ridge of the roof of a house using coconut fronds (sraho), fahsuh (weaving thatch roof using Nypa palm used only), among others. Kosraean warp-striping weaving may be considered unique among weaving cultures due to its complexity. \n\nThe Kosraean word for weaving depends on the item being woven. There exists a variety of woven items which served as currency, reinforced family ties and other relationships, as well as honor. In some cases, a chant may be shared to ensure a girl’s future in weaving. In the past and on contemporary Kosrae, weaving can be found in the preparation of food baskets for funerals, fishing baskets worn on waist of women fishing in the lagoons, loom-weaving for belts (tol), thatch roofing, hats, and cordage for example. \n\nThere can be at least three known types of baskets important in food preparation: fusanie, in the form of a star and used in storing fafa, (2) usanie kapiel or fusanie sa nu which is a larger form of the previous one and woven from young coconut leaves, and (3) kuumpäl which is a kind of basket with handles made of coconut fronds and named after the woven plate. Weaving served not only a function but can be considered a marker of the past. One particular kind of cord can be called nosunap, named after the god Nosunap (also spelled Nasrunsiap or Nazuenziap). \n\nKosrae used to be one of the largest consumers of sinnet cord, suggesting significant movement. This is consistent with oral histories collected in the recent past which connected Kosraeans all the way to Satawal and Puluwat. Among the most common materials for weaving, banal fiber, hibiscus, and pandanaus stand out as the materials of choice. The preparation for each material depends on the item to be woven. While banana fibers may be most common, the hibiscus fiber is easier to dye. Dyes for strands of weaving materials may come from terminal leaves, certain types of mud, and mangrove calyx (black), turmeric (yellow), banana suckers (blue), or marinade citrijolia (red). Of these colors, red was the most prized. The preparation of weaving materials can be lengthy, depending on the plant. The hibiscus fiber needs soaking in sea water for several days while the banana fibers need to dry in the sun and then each fiber is separated into thinner strands. Elders on contemporary Kosrae continue to practice weaving for it serves many uses.\n\nCarving : Carving in Kosraean culture is carried out by the mukul (men). They carve many items, including tok yot (stone fafa pounder), tok sak (wooden pounder for taro and banana for a dish called ainpat), tah (an axe for cutting breadfruit), fuhfak (for wooden handle of an axe used for firewood), oak (canoes), tuhp in fafa (wooden tray shaped like a boat used for presenting fafa), and mwe ahryahr (wooden spoons of many types including long or short or flat ones). The laklak (outrigger of a canoe) is another item which needs to be carved. Carving of toys and wooden sculptures. Oars that are carved along with the canoes.\nBuilding Local House : There are many kinds of houses which can be built using Kosraean methods, including in um (a cooking house), imun oak (canoe house), and iwen monglac (local resting house). Building a local house has always been a community effort, even today; although, of the heavier work is done by the mukul (men) and the weaving for the thatch on the roof is carried out by the muhtacn (women). The mukul will go into the forest to obtain materials from the forest and sometimes from mangroves, depending the type of wood needed for a particular type of house. There are five main sizes of wood needed to build a house and ten parts of the house requiring these five sizes of wood. The sru (posts) are the largest size and heavy. Moving them may be accompanied with a work chant which serves as motivation in lifting, moving, or pulling of the heavy objects. The next size includes kaclacp, lala, and ohl. The kaclacp and lala supports the ohl, which sets the height of the house. The next size wood is used for pokwuhsr (trusses). The next size smaller is used for sahkpahsr (rafters) and folo (beams). The smallest size are for the kwesrihk which is only for thatch roofing (it is where the thatch can be attached) and sukunum which is placed to support the thatch from the bottom. Cutting down the trees is according to the Kosraean moon calendar as is moving the logs from one part of the island to another to use the logs. Paksak (literally, floating of objects) refers to the right time to move the log from one place to another using rivers or channels. This is dependent on the tide. This practice existed because transportation was not available during that time so they usually cut down these big logs and used the chant to get the log to the shoreline and then move the log in the process of paksak to its new location.

In the communities of Viqueque, particularly among the Tetun-Terik-speaking people, fai-akar—the production of sago flour from the akar palm—is not merely a method of food preparation; it is a cultural ceremony that blends labor, rhythm, and collective identity. At the heart of this tradition is the Tali-Bole dance, a dynamic performance woven seamlessly into the act of pounding sago, transforming a daily task into a vibrant expression of heritage.\n\nThe process of making fai-akar begins with harvesting the inner pith of the akar palm tree, which is then ground and washed to extract starch. This labor-intensive task is done in groups, mostly by women, using long wooden pestles to pound the fiber in large mortars. But what sets this practice apart is the way pounding becomes performance: the coordinated movement of the pestles rises and falls to the beat of chanting and drumming, and the Tali-Bole dance emerges from the rhythm of the work itself.\n\nDancers move in synchrony with the pounding, often stepping in and out of the work line, twirling or waving cloth, and responding to sung verses. The term tali-bole can be interpreted in various ways—some connect it to the image of “binding cords,” others to the swinging motion of the pestles themselves—but in all meanings, it emphasizes connection, unity, and the shared pulse of community labor.\n\nSongs sung during the pounding and dancing are passed down orally and are rich in metaphor and memory. One of the most well-known verses, Lakaleok, is sung toward the end of the session, signaling closure and expressing gratitude. These lyrics often tell stories of ancestors, landscapes, and social values, ensuring that cultural knowledge is preserved even in the most practical of activities.\n\nTraditionally, fai-akar and Tali-Bole were performed during rites of passage, funerals, house inaugurations, and communal feasts. Participation was seen not only as a contribution of labor but as an affirmation of cultural belonging. The rhythmic beat of the pestles and the voices of the singers created a space where work, ritual, and performance blended into one.\n\nAlthough the practice remains alive in some villages, it faces growing challenges. The availability of processed food, the decline of communal labor traditions, and the migration of youth to urban areas have all contributed to its reduced presence. Yet, in places where it continues, fai-akar and Tali-Bole are embraced as sources of pride, often featured at cultural festivals and heritage events to showcase the strength and creativity of traditional life.\n\nTo witness Tali-Bole is to see cultural memory in motion—where hands work, feet dance, and voices carry the wisdom of generations. In every stomp and song, the community reaffirms its bond with the land, its past, and one another.

Sastra or Sastra Sleuk Rith (manuscript written on palm leaves) is an important document that records the knowledge and words of wisdom in Cambodia for centuries. Sastra is the long format of palm leaf manuscripts, other known as Vean (short format), mostly documented Buddhist scriptures in Pali or bilingual Pali-Khmer. In addition, it also contains sermons, legal writing, etc.

Jaggery (Htan Nyat) is very important sweet food stuff in Myanmar which is boiled the toddy palm sap(Htan Yee) so that can be made solid jaggery.It's colour ranges from yellow to brown.Toddy palm tree(Htan Pin) are growing especially in Rural Area of Central Dry Zone of Myanmar such as Mandalay Region, Magway Region and Sagaing Region.The jaggery production can be found as the traditional production in most villages from Kyauk Pa Daung, Myin Gyan, Taung Thar, We Laung, Ye Sa Gyo, Pa Kok Ku, Meik Ti La, Poppa, Bagan and Nyaung Oo township. Other growing areas of Toddy palm tree(Htan Pin) are Lower Myanmar such as Tha Nin Thar Yi Region, Ayeyarwady Region, Dawei, Yebyu, Thaton Districts.\nHere, I would like to express about a traditional jaggery production from Zee O village. Zee O village located in Myay Thin Twin Group,Nyaung Oo Township in Mandalay Region. It locates on the south of Old Bagan and about 25km from Nyaung Oo city. For their seasonal livelihood, they pratice traditional way of jaggery making process through their ancestors for long time ago. Among 200 households of Zee O village, 100 are doing jaggery production. We can see the jaggery production as traditional food for their economic life.\nAccording to the different region, collection time of the toddy palm sap(Htan Yee) is not same. In Zee O village, the sap from male toddy palm (Htan Pho) can only be collected from February to June and the sap from female toddy palm (Htan Ma) can only be collected from April to September. nTo collect sap from the toddy tree,the toddy palm climber uses special tools such as small ladder (Yin Swee) fixed to the upper part of a toddy tree and portable ladder (Yin Htaung) used in connection with the fixed ladder and etc. The work of collecting to sap starts early in the morning. The toddy climber climbs the toddy tree via special ladder attached to its trunk and brings down the pots that have filled with the toddy palm sap overnight, replacing them with empty pots at noon.\nFirst of all,heat the pots(Myu Oe) with dry the toddy palm leaves. Afer heating,the pot are roped.And then,poured the slaked lime into the pot. The one of the important things of the toddy climber is the knife(Dar Hnee) which is needed to sharp.\nSo,the toddy climber grinds the knife before his functions. The toddy climbers of Zee O village are distinct from other places of the toddy climbers. For testing knife is sharp, he cut his hairs himself. And then,he carries about ten pots(Myu Oe) with shoulder-yoke and the sharp knife attached to his waist and goes to the toddy palm trees.\nThere are two ways of collecting toddy juice(Htan Yee) depends on male and female toddy tree. A bit of wood(Ka Laing) is wedged into the top of the toddy palm tree to provide seating while he cuts the flower clusters. When the toddy-udders(Htan Nosh) of male tree become blossom, the climber has to clip the toddy-udders toddy-udders with wooden stick or pounding soften that can get much toddy sap. After that,the toddy climber tied nine or twelve toddy-udders cutting for sap into the pots.\nToddy farmer cut female toddy palm's stalks that have fruits for sap collection. He pounds the base of toddy palm's stalk with a small iron hammer (Zauk Khauk). Toddy farmer slice a little to each fruit to collect toddy sap.\nThe sap has to be filtered leaving behind the sediment of lime(Hton Yee Kyi) is put into a stainless steel boiling pan and boiled for about 45 minutes. According to the different region,the kilns for boiling toddy palm sap are different types.In Zee O village, the kilns are made by digging into the ground so that can work for five boiling pans at the same time. While the sap are boiling, the worker has to stir with flat wooden laddle continuously and also has to be added the seeds or powder of castor oil plant so that it cannot be split into the ground. The boiling and stirring has to be continued to get the suitable condition for moulding of toddy palm syrup was obtained. After that, toddy palm syrup was cooled to make granules by hands. Then,it is also dried for about 15 minutes and jaggery is obtained. nAfter that, export jaggery to the buying centre. The buying centre has to put out to dry with the sun. And then,prepare to trade other regions. Especially, Zee O village trade with Nyaung Oo township and Yangon region.\nThere are some animals to disturb the jaggery production such as mouses,squirrels,butterflies, bats,ants,crows and so on. They suck toddy sap,bite the pot's rope and fruit clusters,throw away faeces into the pot.\nJaggery is completely organic without any chemicals.It is used for Myanmar traditional food such as Mont-lone-yay-paw, Mont-lat-saung,Mont-kywe-thae,Thar-ku-yoo,Mont-lat-kout; etc.\nThere has many nutritional values of jaggery. They are protein, fat, carbonhydrate, energy, calcium, phosphorus, iron, mineral, carotine,vitamin and so on.In medical benefits, jaggery treats cold and cough,purified blood,relieves bone and joint pain,strengthens immunity etc.So,jaggery(Htan Nyat) is very useful for snack and traditional medicine.