This film is about rituals related to children. Included are kyrkyn chygaruu, a ritual celebrating the fortieth day after a child’s birth; beshike saluu, a ritual of placing baby in the cradle; tushoo kesuu, a ritual of cutting rope tied around a baby’s ankles; and bata, a blessing ritual. Knowledge holders talk about the significance of each ritual in a child’s life cycle. The film shows how these rituals are conducted now and how they have evolved over time.

Baor-making is a unique skill of the Maranao people. With its embossed handmade and intricate designs – particularly called okir – this skill has claimed a recognition abroad. nOkir is folk motifs found in various artworks and objects, they are usually inspired from detailed and different curves and no machines involved.\nBaor is a maranao translation of baul or the trunk.\nAside from the famous Darangen, a singing-like epic storytelling originally from the Maranao people as well, which belong to the top three of United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) inscribed intangible cultural heritage of the Philippines, baor-making skill is listed as an element among the other 366 under the inventory of Philippine Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage.\nHowever, since the 2016 Martial Law declaration in Mindanao stricter regulations are implemented on trees-cutting that are main ingredient to produce baor. Tree like the Philippine National Tree Narra.\nThe absence of professional teaching also creates significant hole for the identity of Maranao younger generations. As of the moment, the only way to transmit the skill is learning the techniques by observing elders while at home.\nThese reasons lead to saddening thought that the Tugaya’s one of a kind skill is slowly dying because youth have now better, numerous options to survive the living over the dynamic society.\nAlthough baor-making is traditionally originated in Tugaya, a small municipality in Lanao del Sur, there is a man who has been living so far from the root of baor-making: Abdulsamad Usman, 58, has been dwelling his fate on making and selling baor amidst the Taguig city’s uncertainties.\nnTaguig is one of the urban cities in Metro Manila, National Capital Region. The gap between Tugaya and Taguig is at least one-thousand kilometers.\nAccording to Usman, more or less a month period before finishing a medium-sized baor. He can carve designs and paint them. He, with his team, is the only considered baor maker who practice the skill in Metro Manila.\nUsman strongly believes that baor-making will not vanish from the present and history because the skill has been playing a huge part for the Maranaos’ culture and identity.\nn기타설명nBaor-making is a unique skill of Maranao people from Tugaya, Lanao del Sur. Baor is a maranao translation of baul or the trunk. The designs embossed in it are called okir --- detailed and different curves. They are handmade and no machines involved. Tugaya is a small community in Lanao del Sur, a province in Mindanao.\nThe skill is considered as an intangible cultural heritage (ICH) among the other 366 listed under the inventory of Philippine Inventory of Intangible Cultural Heritage.

▶ Play Video 2. Into the Heart of the Mandaya A Journey through the Wilds of Davao Oriental\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on November 16, 1995. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nAnimals were offered in the context of the Mandaya cultural ritual.\n\nThe Mandaya are a complex group that can be referred to by different terms: Mangwanga, Mangrangan, Mangosan, Magosan, Pagsupan, Divavaonon, Dibabaon, and Mansaka. Members reside in Davao Oriental. They are concentrated in the municipalities of Caraga, Manay, Cateel, Lupon, and Tarragona. The known subgroupings are: (1) Mansaka, (2) Pagsupan, (3) Mangwanga (Mangrangan, Compostela), (4) Managosan, (5) Divavaon (Dibabaon, mixed Manobo Mandaya), and (6) Karaga.\n\nThe Mandaya occupy upstream areas, practicing slash-and-burn cultivation in highly dispersed settlements. In addition to a wide range of cropping for domestic consumption, abaca is cultivated as a cash crop. Rice, various tubers, and bananas form the bulk of their diet. Communities are dispersed usually near swiddens. Two or three family units usually occupy houses, and these are usually within sight even if dispersed. Proximity of these houses constitutes a neighborhood, which is loosely organized into a larger discrete domain with all of the households related through various kin relationships. Families are either nuclear or polygynous.\n\nTraditionally, each domain has a headman, bagani, whose word is considered law and who wears distinctive red clothing. He is the recognized protector of the community. His rule is tempered by an advisory council, angtutukay, usually composed of community elders. With the disappearance of the bagani social structure at present, the civil structures of the barangay prevail. There still exists, however, a conflict between the established civil authority and the informal authorities.\n\nThe Mandaya/Mansaka women are famous for their distinctive dresses and ornaments. Their tie-dye weaving and embroidery are intertwined through a sophisticated symbolic art system that evolved design motifs that each have names. The binulanbulan motif, for instance, consists of nested circles representing the moon, and suksuk ng kasili represents fish scales. These motifs are embroidered on blouses against a contrasting red or black background. The beadwork and silver craft on body ornaments mark this group as one of the most noteworthy in terms of art. Unique among Filipino ethno-linguistic groups are the women’s large ornate silver breast ornaments (platina), their multiple fossil shell arm bracelets, and their embroidered blouses. The men wear a distinctive narrow hat constructed from the shaft of a palm frond.

Sau-Batar is one of Timor-Leste’s most cherished agricultural ceremonies, marking the successful harvesting of corn—batar, the staple crop that lies at the heart of both sustenance and spiritual life for many communities. Far more than an agricultural routine, this ritual reflects a worldview where nature, ancestors, and community are deeply intertwined.\n\nThe ceremony typically begins with a symbolic act called “taking out the old corn and bringing in the new.” This signifies a transition between agricultural cycles and expresses gratitude to the spirits of the land for their blessings. Families gather at their sacred houses (uma lulik), bringing both harvested corn and cooked rice to share in a ritual meal that reaffirms communal bonds.\n\nCentral to the ritual is the lia-nain—a customary elder responsible for oral tradition and ritual practice—who recites prayers, chants, and invocations handed down through generations. These words are not merely spoken; they are believed to activate ancestral protection and ensure future abundance. The corn offered during the ceremony becomes sacred, often preserved in specially designated granaries or placed on altars within the sacred house as a gesture of respect to the ancestors.\n\nMusic and dance are vital parts of Sau-Batar. Performances of Tebe Lilin (Candle Dance) and other local dances transform the occasion into a festive gathering, where movement and rhythm mirror the unity and joy of a successful harvest. The babadok drum keeps the beat as men and women, elders and children, participate in a shared expression of thanks and renewal.\n\nThe ceremony also involves the symbolic sharing of corn among relatives and neighbors, emphasizing that harvest is not an individual achievement but a collective gift. In some cases, leftover corn from the previous season is burned or ceremonially discarded to make room for the new yield, representing a fresh start and spiritual cleansing.\n\nBeyond its religious and social meanings, Sau-Batar also serves as a moment of informal education. It is during this event that younger generations hear the stories of how rituals are performed, why they matter, and what each gesture or offering means. Through active participation, children and youth absorb the knowledge of land stewardship, spiritual ethics, and cultural identity.\n\nIn recent years, as commercial farming methods expand and traditional schedules shift, Sau-Batar has faced challenges. Yet in many rural areas, the ceremony continues to be practiced with dedication, often with support from local schools and cultural preservation initiatives.\n\nFor the communities that uphold it, Sau-Batar remains a vital link between past and present, the visible and the invisible, and the land and its people. It is a ceremony not just of harvest, but of harmony—a living tradition that continues to nourish both body and spirit.

In the quiet Kazakh village of Zhosaly, the threads of tradition, resilience, and love are being woven together—one knot at a time. At the heart of this story is Bakytgul Raimbaeva, a mother whose personal struggle with her daughter’s illness led to the creation of something extraordinary: “Ansagan,” a school of traditional Kazakh folk crafts for children with disabilities.\n\nWhat began in 2007 with just four girls—including her daughter Ansagan, who had been diagnosed with a painful and incurable skin condition—has grown into a life-changing creative community of more than 130 students. Children who once felt isolated and hopeless now find joy, purpose, and healing through the ancient art of carpet weaving, korpe-making, and felting. Here, they learn to create with their hands, share laughter, and rediscover strength they never knew they had.\n\nGuided by the belief that every thread carries emotion and intention, Bakytgul teaches not just a craft but a philosophy: weave only with positive thoughts, and your creation will carry healing energy. With carpets made using traditional Kazakh methods and designs—like ornék looms, tekemet rugs, and sacred motifs—this grassroots school revives and preserves centuries-old techniques once passed from grandmother to granddaughter.\n\nAmong the pupils are teenagers like Kuralai and Inkar, who have mastered complex weaving skills and find pride in their cultural roots. But at the heart of it all remains the story of a mother's devotion. Miraculously, two years after the school was born, Bakytgul witnessed the impossible—her daughter Ansagan stood up and walked again.\n\nToday, “Ansagan” is more than a workshop—it's a sanctuary of cultural revival, inclusion, and hope. Supported by the village and driven by a passionate mission, Bakytgul continues to teach, inspire, and heal through craft, proving that folk art is not just a legacy of the past, but a force for transformation in the present.

▶ Play Video 4. A Sound for the Spirits The Buklog of the Subanons\nThis is a shortened version of the Travel Time episode “A Subanon Celebration,” which was first aired on Filipino television on March 21, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nAnimals were offered in the context of the Subanon cultural ritual.\n\nThe Subanon or Subanun people of the upstream may be found on the western Peninsula. The population core areas are in Katipunan. The known subgroups parallel the linguistic variations and micro-adaptations to social and physical environment and comprise: (1) Misamis, (2) Lapuyan, (3) Sindangan, (4) Tuboy, and (5) Salug.\n\nThe cultural and technological adaptation is upland riverine. They practice swidden cultivation on mountain slopes. The traditional settlement pattern is highly dispersed with a few residential structures on top of ridges near potable water sources. The houses are placed adjacent to cultivated fields. They favor locations near springs where water gushes out of rocks over contiguous to streams.\n\nRice is the preferred food crop, but fields are also rotated and intercropped, planted with corn, sweet potato, and cassava. Land problems and soil degradation have forced some of the people to recourse to wet rice agriculture where the topography allows. Metal craft and backstrap weaving are practiced. They have maintained trade with coastal peoples for centuries, as indicated by the presence of Asian stone and ceramic trade wares. Present-day Subanon are usually nonaggressive. There are indications that in the past, the people were required to provide a “soul companion” for an important deceased relative.\n\nUnique to the Subanon is their set of rituals, the buklog, the main feature of which is a huge dancing platform (buklogan). This structure is raised some 10 to 18 feet high and consists of a highly resilient platform supported at the corners by upright posts. A long pole is passed through the middle of the platform and extends upwards like a maypole. Below it is a short thick hollowed log that lies above a trench filled with empty jars functioning as resonating chambers. The pole rises and falls when dancers rhythmically bounce on the platform. The booming sound invites people to come and join in the ritual and festival. There is feasting, wining, and dancing lasting for days, with as many as two hundred people dancing on the buklogan continuously, day and night.\n\nThe ritual consists of a complex set of rites performed before the culminating event, usually near waterways, and which serve to propitiate spirits. The buklog is a prestige ritual that has a multitude of functions, such as celebrating well- being and a good harvest, and giving thanks to appease spirits after an illness. It may also honor personalities, welcome back homecomers, or praise a new timuay (leader). Finally, it is held to pay respects to the spirits of the dead, for the final sending of the spirit of the ancestor and the death anniversary of a grandparent.\n\nThe Subanen form a subgroup and are related to the Subanon but are concentrated in Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte.

Spring Rain is an original dance based on the Shuixiu dance, a traditional dance of the Zang people which has become a representative form of Chinese classical dance. It expresses the rain falling in spring and beautiful natural landscapes in elegant movements.\n\nShuixiu dance is a ‘long sleeved dance’ performed while wearing clothes with long flowing sleeves. It is characterized by the flinging and catching of the long sleeves. The essence of Shuixiu dance lies in its harmonious and beautiful curves. It represents the aesthetic character of Shuixiu while keeping with the unique philosophy and temperament of the Zangs, which seeks harmony, peace, coexistence and concordance.\n\nShui Xiu dance, originally performed at religious rituals, was relatively preserved in its original form due to the isolation of the Tibetan society until the 1950s. Its artistic value came to light internationally after the opening up of China in 1978. With the coming of the ‘New China’ era, large numbers of Shuixiu practitioners began to move to large cities to spread the dance, leading to its present day status as a traditional dance enjoyed by the entire Chinese nation.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Original dance based on the Shuixiu dance\n∙Vigorous flinging of the long shuixiu sleeves\n\nPerformed by College of Art, Chengdu Sport University\nDirected by 로봉

In 2018, UNESCO also commissioned a survey (SAU-ICH Survey) on ICH in African universities. Conducted for over two months, the survey found that only one academic programme solely focused on ICH was offered in an African country (Zambia since 2019) while multiple programmes related to ICH were available across the region. The survey etched out the necessity for national and international cooperation in the agenda of bringing ICH in higher education, with most of its recommendations anchored on the long-term benefits of having a network with an online platform to further promote and build capacity around the safeguarding of ICH in Africa. Dr. Jacob Mapara, Acting Director, Institute of Lifelong Learning and Development Studies, Chinhoyi University of Technology shares the networking experience with higher education institutions in Southern Africa. \n\nJACOB MAPARA is currently the Acting Director of the Institute of Lifelong Learning and Development Studies of Chinhoyi University of Technology in Zimbabwe, where he is the Chairperson of the Centre for Indigenous Knowledge and Living Heritage. At present, Professor Mapara is leading the “Inventorying oral traditions, expressions, local knowledge, and practices of the Korekore of Hurungwe district in Zimbabwe” project.

In the rugged landscapes of Timor-Leste, where dry seasons can stretch long and food insecurity remains a reality for many, the people have long relied on their deep knowledge of wild, resilient crops. Among them is Koto-Tisi—a hard, dark wild bean that offers vital sustenance but must be carefully prepared to remove its natural toxins. What might appear at first glance to be just another seed is, in fact, a symbol of survival, ecological wisdom, and ancestral resilience.\n\nThe bean is typically found growing on hardy, thorny shrubs or climbing vines in semi-wild areas. It is gathered primarily by women, who know when the pods are ready to be picked and how to handle them safely. The challenge lies not in harvesting but in transforming Koto-Tisi into something edible—an intricate cooking process that has been passed down through generations.\n\nPreparation begins with repeated boiling and rinsing, sometimes up to five or six times. Each round helps to leach out the toxic compounds present in the bean. The water must be discarded each time, and the beans carefully watched to ensure that they soften without disintegrating. After boiling, the beans are often sun-dried and stored for later use, to be boiled again before eating or ground into a starchy paste.\n\nThe process is labor-intensive and demands both patience and precision. Elders in the community emphasize that the knowledge of how to process Koto-Tisi is not written in books—it lives in memory, movement, and the rhythms of daily life. To rush the process or ignore the sequence could lead to poisoning. For this reason, children are taught to observe closely, assisting their mothers or grandmothers and gradually learning the delicate balance between danger and nourishment.\n\nIn times of drought, scarcity, or natural disaster, Koto-Tisi becomes a lifeline. Its ability to grow in harsh conditions, with little water or care, makes it a dependable fallback when cultivated crops fail. But it is more than a survival food—it is also a testament to how culture and ecology intertwine. The knowledge required to use it safely reflects a deep respect for the land, a skillset honed through centuries of careful experimentation and oral transmission.\n\nToday, as dietary patterns change and imported food becomes more available, the practice of preparing Koto-Tisi is fading in some areas. But in others, it remains a respected tradition—especially among elders who see it not only as food but as a story, a ritual, and a reminder of community strength in the face of adversity.

“Hakka” means “guest people” in Chinese. A group of Hakka settled in Mui Tsz Lam, a village in North-East New Territories in Hong Kong, in the 17th Century during the Qing Dynasty. \n\nThe Hakka are known for being hardworking and enduring. Since they farmed on less fertile terraces, their food grown is modest and practical. This culture is also reflected in festive foods like rice dumplings for the Tuen Ng Festival, also known as the Dragon Boat Festival.\n\nMaking and eating rice dumplings is an essential part of the Tuen Ng Festival. The festival is associated the patriotic poet and politician Qu Yuan in the 3rd Century BC, who committed suicide at the river. After his death, people made rice dumplings and threw them into the river and played drums on the dragon boat, hoping that the fish would not eat Qu Yuan’s body. \n\nAt present times, people still make rice dumplings every Tuen Ng festival as a tradition, with different recipes passed on in different areas. The Hakka recipe is modest and simple, which utilizes almost all home grown produce, which includes bamboo leaves, sticky rice, peanuts, shallots, and dried shrimp. After many years of desolation since the 1970s, Mui Tsz Lam villagers come back to their home village to make rice dumplings together for the first time.\n\nThe instructions to make a Hakka rice dumpling are as follows:\n1. Preparing ingredients:\nSoak bamboo leaves and sticky rice overnight, and dried shrimps for 15 minutes. When bamboo leaves are soft, clean and cut the top and bottom of bamboo leaves.\n2. Chopping and crushing:\nMince the soaked dried shrimps, shallots. Crush peanuts and remove skin.\n3. Frying the filling:\nFry the dried shrimps, shallots and peanuts, first separately then together. Set the filling aside.\n4. Wrapping the dumpling:\nWith 1 bamboo leaf, place a layer of stick rice and a layer of filling, then another layer of sticky rice. Cover the layers with the same piece of bamboo leaf. Turn the dumpling aside and use another piece of bamboo leaf to wrap the side. Do the same for the other side, and the dumpling should be completely wrapped by 3 bamboo leaves. Tie up the dumpling with strings or grass. \n5. Cooking: \nBoil the dumpling for 3 hours before eating.

Askiya (in Arabic – “azkiya”, literally means “witty”, “resourceful”) is an original genre of folk-spectacular art, and oral folk creativity, which evolved and became widespread in the Ferghana Valley and Tashkent region. As a result of continuous evolution it achieved the level of art. Askiya is an original eloquence and witticism contest organized between two or more people around particular topic or theme (which is called by askiya performers as payrov). In so doing, askiya performers use simple words in different meanings and for different purposes. They joke open-heartedly and in a friendly manner, laugh at some unusual situations and flaws observed or run across in the daily life of their contemporaries. Not to offend his rival the performer (askiyachi or askiyaboz) has to use carefully and skillfully each word and phrase during askiya. At present more than thirty forms of askiya are known. These include payrov, qofiya, radif, bakhribayt, tutal, okhshatdim, afsona, rabbiya, safsata, chiston, laqab, gulmisiz, bulasizmi, shirinkor and terma. Although, each of the above-mentioned forms conform to common requirements peculiar to askiya art genre, still each has its own distinguishing features.

Uzbek rope walking art is very ancient and has its own traditions. Uzbekistan is considered the only country where this art has been preserved in its current form. This video gives us a look at the lifestyle of the rope walkers as they travel from early spring to late autumn with their families and teams while demonstrating their art. Currently more than forty ropewalkers’ groups perform in Uzbekistan. They are exempt from income tax.\n\nPerformances by the Madamin Dorboz team from the Paxtaobod district, Andijan, and by the Mukhiddin Ismailov team from the Bukhara region as well as interviews from members of the Vodil Dorboz team of Fergana region are in the present film.