One of the brightest folk festivities, is the Navruz spring holiday festival. Navruz, celebrated on 21 March symbolizes the universal date of birth, for when the departure of winter and arrival of spring was interpreted as the rebirth of nature. Its origin is connected to ancient astronomical observations which are based on solar and stellar motion as well as the motion of the moon. Ideas of peace, solidarity, prosperity, and mercifulness are reflected in each festive Navruz ritual.

Chak-ka-yer is a Thai word similar in meaning to tug-of-war in western countries. It is one of the oldest folk team games in Thailand. Thai people across the country know chak-ka-yer, and many may have had some direct and indirect experience with this game, either as participants or observ-ers. Chak-ka-yer benefits Thai society in several ways. People use chak-ka-yer for fun, pleasure, recreation, and relaxation from their routine work. Chak-ka-yer is played between teams, groups, or communities to test their physical strength. The game does not focus on competition, team preparation, contest regulations, and championship, but rather on unity, friendship, morale, and incentive of communities. Chak-ka-yer as a game is related to thoughts, beliefs, customs, traditions, rituals, and values of the people in different areas. Chak-ka-yer is a high-level game of development and doesn’t focus on systematic contests; it has specific agency to respond to and has the team seriously trained and practiced to win the championship. Chak-ka-yer as a sport is left unmentioned in this article since it has become an international sport.

Throughout the years, I have been researching Korean recreational activ-ities, and among them, the tug-of-war was definitely the most central theme. According to my research, the Korean tug-of-war has many different fea-tures following the different regional characteristics, but they also have similar patterns. Although it is possible to speculate that the diverse characteristics of each region’s tug-of-war is due to the area’s geo-ecological, sociocultural, and magi-co-religious factors and culture exchange, it is difficult to prove these factors in depth. Thus, this paper examines the diverse features present in the tug-of-war through studies completed up to now. Also I would like to add that the only intent for the tug-of-war studies was to compile and examine them in this report. Despite many methods in examining the diversity of tug-of-war, this paper sets a few standards to reveal the present features, and with these standards, the meaning of Korean tug-of-war can be understood.

The tug-of-war is one of the most well-known intangible cultural heritage elements that represent the Republic of Korea. Tug-of-war games were widely enjoyed by people across the country before the 1930s and 1940s. During the 1960s, the tug-of-war came under the protection of the Cultural Heritage Conservation Policy and has been appointed and is being managed by local and national governments. Locally, eight tug-of-war traditions have been inscribed on the national inventory list. Moreover, compared to other ICH element studies, of the element has been significantly researched.\n\nTug-of-war is a cultural heritage element of many East Asian nations, and these nations are preparing to nominate the element to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In this context, the goal of this paper is to discover universal traits in tug-of-war traditions in East Asia. However, besides the Republic of Korea and Japan, there is insufficient research on tug-of-war traditions in the region, which limits the scope of this presentation. In case of China, despite the existence of various records on tug-of-war in literature, the tradition as it exists in China today seems to be more of a sports match than a ritual event. I would also like to mention that this paper is a draft based on document records, the Internet, and the academic symposium hosted by Gijisi Tug-of-War Conservation Institute.

The Muong Cultural Space Museum is a cultural and art institution in Vietnam, deeply inspired by an artist’s desire to reproduce a whole living space of the Muong tribe. The Muong museum was the creation of its owner, Mr. Vu Duc Hieu. The museum is situated in the hills above a small, narrow limestone valley about 80 km from Hanoi to the west, in Hoa Binh City, where the ancient Muong people used to live. After almost ten years collecting and preparing, and another year for construction, the Muong Cultural Space Museum was officially inaugurated on 16 December 2007 by the chairman of the National Assembly of Vietnam, Nguyen Phu Trong, with a performance of the symbolic Muong gongs.

Mehrgan is an autumn harvest festival celebrated during or after gathering a harvest. In ancient times, Mehrgan marked the autumn equinox, and according to an old Iranian calendar, celebrated on the mehr day of the mehr month, equal to 8 October. In the Republic of Tajikistan 15 October is the official day of Mehrgan.

Today, the issue of preservation and popularization of national traditions, customs, and rituals associated with the human life cycle is relevant. Kazakhs have many ceremonies that must be carried out throughout a person’s life. One such significant rite of initiation into a new life is the Tusau Keser ceremony.\n\nTusau keser is fetters cutting on feet, symbolizing the beginning of a new stage in a child’s life—the ability to walk and to learn about the world. Kazakhs believed that if this ritual was not performed, the child would often stumble and be insecure and awkward. This custom is carried out when the child first begins to walk. In most cases, this will be when the child turns one year old. Our ancestors believed that if this custom is not carried out, the future of the child would be bad and if it is held, then a bright future awaits and brings luck and happiness. To hold this ceremony, the child’s parents organize toi (party). To do this, the day before the ceremony, they send invitations to relatives and friends. The next day, the invited people come with gifts as well as sweets for shashu (a festive throwing of sweets). A festal dastarkhan is set for guests and a feast begins. After the festive table, the tusau keser ceremony itself begins.\n\nRite Attributes\nFor holding of a tusau keser a colorful flagellum is prepared—ala jip, or colored interlaced from several woolen threads of different bright colors. This flagellum is called tusau—fetters. The threads consist of three colors: white (a symbol of purity), green (a symbol of health and longevity), red (a symbol of wealth). There is also an old form of fetters called ala jip, which were made of white and black threads symbolizing the philosophy and reality of the world—good and evil, light and darkness, and warmth and cold.\n\nSuperstitions and Beliefs\nThe toddler’s legs are tied with black and white threads. These colors are chosen to distinguish black from white in the future, to be a respectable citizen, and not to cross the road from anybody. Some people, instead of a striped rope, tie the legs with the fatty intestines of an animal so that the child would be rich and authoritative in the future. Such a superstition exists to this day. Sometimes they use a rope woven from grass so that the child would grow up quickly, mature faster, have a large family, and so on.\n\nThere are two ways to decide who will cut the fetters of the child. One option is for the parents to choose. This right is mainly granted to a multi-child, energetic woman or grandmother. The person who cuts the fetters should be smart, energetic, and respected. Our ancestors believed that if such a person cuts the fetters, then the person’s energy will be transmitted to the baby. The person entrusted with this process must bring a knife and a rope. After the feast, everyone goes out into the street. A special carpet is laid. They put the baby on the carpet and the chosen person cuts the fetters. Then two people take his hands and lead him off the carpet. When the baby is led, the people throw gifts and coins in a solemn atmosphere. In some regions, special items like books, mirror, or a whip are placed on the carpet, and the child chooses one of the items to determine the future. For example, if the child chooses a book, he or she will become a scientist or enlightened person. And if the child chooses the whip, he or she will become belligerent man.\n\nA second variant to decide who will cut the fetter is a fast-walking competition among boys. The boy who wins first place will do the cutting. This is done to transmit the energy of this boy to the baby. The boy is then given gifts, most often a sledding horse or a foal.\n\nPhoto : Tusau Keser symbolizing the beginning of a new stage in a child’s life ⓒ Nazym Malibayeva

In Korean traditional society, Jultagi (tightrope walking) was practiced as part of entertainers’ performances, where large banquets were held in administrative halls or noble houses on holidays. Jultagi, which was considered as the essence of Madangnori (traditional Korean outdoor performances), is a traditional Korean performing art that refers to “the players’ performance of comedy, musical storytelling with physical expressions on the bare rope in the air.”\n\nRecords of Jultagi dates back to the Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392). According to the records, Jultagi has been called by various names, such as Dapsakhee, Dapsak, Jusak, Bosak, Saksangjae, Juseung, and Yiseung, which commonly means “performing on a rope.”\n\nThe Jultagi today can be classified into two, the “Gwangdae Jultagi” and “Tteun-gwangdae Jultagi” based on the characteristics of the performers. The Gwangdae Jultagi was performed by Daeryeong Gwangdae, who were affiliated in the central or local government offices, while the Tteun-gwangdae Jultagi, which is also called “Eoreum Jultagi,” was performed by traveling performing troupes. The former one was designated as Important Intangible Cultural Property No. 58 in 1976, and has been transmitted ever since, while the latter one is transmitted as one of several performances of Namsadang Nori, designated as Important Intangible Cultural Property No. 3 in Korea.\n\nWhen it comes to tightrope walking, it’s easy to think of only the acrobat performing on the tightrope. However, for a proper tightrope performance, not only the acrobatic performer, but also the clown who stays on the ground and chats with the performer on the rope, and the musical performers who plays janggu (double-headed drum), piri(pipe), and haegeum(string instrument) and lead the lively atmosphere are essential. Only when all the players mingle with the crowd, Jultagi, the Korean performing art of communication and harmony, is completed.\n\nThe running time of the tightrope performance continues throughout the afternoon. Therefore, it is necessary to carefully organize the composition with acrobatics, chats, and music keep the audience entertained. Starting with the “Julgosa,” a ritual ceremony for the safety of the performance, Jultagi shows a variety of tightrope walking skills, from simple acrobatics to difficult tricks, inducing dramatic tension among spectators. Afterwards, through “Jung Nori” and “Walja Nori,” the dramatic tension of the audience is relaxed and entertained. Subsequently, the audience’s dramatic tension is once again induced through several acrobatics, and then the tension is relieved through the final “Salpan” ground acrobatics performance. Although there may be some changes depending on the performer or situation, Jultagi performances are generally conducted based on this order.\n\nThe traditional Korean tightrope walking is differentiated from other tightrope acrobats in that it does not only focus on the acrobatics, but also leads the playful atmosphere harmonized with songs and storytelling. Korea’s Jultagi, which has these distinctive characteristics, is unique and valuable in that both the performer and the audience communicate and harmonize together in a pleasant atmosphere in pursuit of inner freedom.\n\nToday, the reputation of Jultagi performances, which were as popular as Pansori (narrative songs) in the past, is losing its light in modern times. Occasionally, it can be found at local cultural festivals, but it is difficult to maintain its reputation enough to be labeled as a vulnerably transmitted element. Active endeavors and public attention are needed at the national level so that Jultagi, which has played a role in strengthening Korea’s identity since the past, can be transmitted to future generations. Above all, since the value of an ICH element is elevated when safeguarded and practiced, so efforts should be made to enhance the reputation of Jultagi through various performances considering the transmission environment of today. I conclude this article in anticipation of the day when Jultagi, which can give people a sense of freedom from the COVID-19, will be able to freely cross the sky amid the crowds’ cheers.\n\nphoto : Jultagi of Namsadang Noli in 2008. © Flicker account : Republic of Korea, Copyright information link : https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/2.0/