Freshly cut Zhu shings or bamboos are not ready to be used as bows. It has to be seasoned and dried naturally in the sun which takes about 75 days or else dry over the earthen stove to enable the smoke to strengthen and further durability.\n\nThe Zhu, or bow is made from a distinct species of bamboo called Zhu Shing which is only grown in the warmer parts of the country. However, bamboo from Samtse District is considered superior for it uniform thickness.

Kolok-pa is the game played in the Thongsa locality. The name of the game is directly derived from the name given to the element. Such game can play in any number of people more than two; it can be played in even numbers only like, two, four, six, eight and ten. According to the local elders the exact date of which the game is been played is not known. However, the game is usually played in the winter seasons, as it is the end of fruitful tiring journey of the year to the villagers as mostly the field are left uncultivated and people do not have works to carry on in the field. The people usually played for fun and for enjoyment by keeping simple bet.\n\nKolok-pa game does not differentiate the gender and age of the player, such game can be played by mixing gender, nevertheless the players opt to play gender wise only, in order to have balance and competitive competition. According to 65 years old Meme Ugyen Guru, the game in the past can be played by burning bamboos and pinewoods for lighting the ground in the evenings. Mostly the betting they used to keep are for Bangchang, Ara (Local wine), pork and eating and drinking. The winner of the match is declare based on mutual understanding made within the players, either to pay bet after every game or out of three sets.

Kolok-pa is the game played in the Thongsa locality. The name of the game is directly derived from the name given to the element. Such game can play in any number of people more than two; it can be played in even numbers only like, two, four, six, eight and ten. According to the local elders the exact date of which the game is been played is not known. However, the game is usually played in the winter seasons, as it is the end of fruitful tiring journey of the year to the villagers as mostly the field are left uncultivated and people do not have works to carry on in the field. The people usually played for fun and for enjoyment by keeping simple bet.\n\nKolok-pa game does not differentiate the gender and age of the player, such game can be played by mixing gender, nevertheless the players opt to play gender wise only, in order to have balance and competitive competition. According to 65 years old Meme Ugyen Guru, the game in the past can be played by burning bamboos and pinewoods for lighting the ground in the evenings. Mostly the betting they used to keep are for Bangchang, Ara (Local wine), pork and eating and drinking. The winner of the match is declare based on mutual understanding made within the players, either to pay bet after every game or out of three sets.

Dikir Barat is a new traditional arts form if compared to others of the same genre, as well as most liked amongst the normal Malay communities in villages and city fringes in Kelantan. In that state it is more popular with the name ‘Dikir Barat’ while in Southern Thailand it is called ‘Dikir Karut’. This arts form has been listed as a National Heritage in the year 2009. The word ‘dikir’ is a product of the combination of two arts that are ‘dikir’ (loosely translated as ‘song’) and ‘pantun’ (‘quatrain’), or ‘dikir’ and ‘karut’ (loosely translated as ‘story’). The word ‘karut’ is from the terminology ‘to tell stories in the form of quatrain or poem’. Thus, the names Dikir Barat, Dikir Karut, Dikir Pantun and Dikir Syair have the same meaning. There are those who opinied that Dikir Barat originated from southern Thailand with the name Dikir Karut. There are those who said that it was the product of the arrangement made by Haji Mat Salleh bin Haji Ahmad (known as Pak Leh Tapang) who improvised this arts form by adding quatrains in it. There are others who mentioned that it originated from Tebu Island, Kelantan. This arts form is normally practiced during paddy harvesting season and wedding ceremonies as entertainment or competition. The content revolves around current issues and lives of universal societies. The performance of a Dikir Barat group is headed by a Tukang Karut (‘The Storyteller’) and Tok Juara (‘The Champion’). They tell ‘stories’ by exchanging quatrains, reciprocated by loud and clear background voices of the Awak-Awak (group members) who don’t need to clap hands, just sufficient to place their palms on their respective cheeks to louden their voices. In a competition normally there are two group participants at a time and using the Kelantanese dialect. They exchange quatrains, insinuating, as if in jester and for entertainment only. At the end of the performance a group’s Storyteller delivers a sad song and requests for forgiveness at the thought of the fate of the Storyteller. At its early development a Dikir Barat performance only used audiphone equipment that were bamboo pieces, knocked to produced the rythmic beat of this arts form. Nowadays, it uses an ensemble of a gong, two small hand-held drums and a pair of maracas, cymbals and small bells. In yesteryears this arts form was a past time game and normally held in a bamboo hut with wooden floor and coconut leaves roof top. However, now Dikir Barat is well-known all over the country and can be seen on TV screen. Its development is also difficult to contain as it often receives changes, like its performance form, according to the era.

Dikir Barat is a new traditional arts form if compared to others of the same genre, as well as most liked amongst the normal Malay communities in villages and city fringes in Kelantan. In that state it is more popular with the name ‘Dikir Barat’ while in Southern Thailand it is called ‘Dikir Karut’. This arts form has been listed as a National Heritage in the year 2009. The word ‘dikir’ is a product of the combination of two arts that are ‘dikir’ (loosely translated as ‘song’) and ‘pantun’ (‘quatrain’), or ‘dikir’ and ‘karut’ (loosely translated as ‘story’). The word ‘karut’ is from the terminology ‘to tell stories in the form of quatrain or poem’. Thus, the names Dikir Barat, Dikir Karut, Dikir Pantun and Dikir Syair have the same meaning. There are those who opinied that Dikir Barat originated from southern Thailand with the name Dikir Karut. There are those who said that it was the product of the arrangement made by Haji Mat Salleh bin Haji Ahmad (known as Pak Leh Tapang) who improvised this arts form by adding quatrains in it. There are others who mentioned that it originated from Tebu Island, Kelantan. This arts form is normally practiced during paddy harvesting season and wedding ceremonies as entertainment or competition. The content revolves around current issues and lives of universal societies. The performance of a Dikir Barat group is headed by a Tukang Karut (‘The Storyteller’) and Tok Juara (‘The Champion’). They tell ‘stories’ by exchanging quatrains, reciprocated by loud and clear background voices of the Awak-Awak (group members) who don’t need to clap hands, just sufficient to place their palms on their respective cheeks to louden their voices. In a competition normally there are two group participants at a time and using the Kelantanese dialect. They exchange quatrains, insinuating, as if in jester and for entertainment only. At the end of the performance a group’s Storyteller delivers a sad song and requests for forgiveness at the thought of the fate of the Storyteller. At its early development a Dikir Barat performance only used audiphone equipment that were bamboo pieces, knocked to produced the rythmic beat of this arts form. Nowadays, it uses an ensemble of a gong, two small hand-held drums and a pair of maracas, cymbals and small bells. In yesteryears this arts form was a past time game and normally held in a bamboo hut with wooden floor and coconut leaves roof top. However, now Dikir Barat is well-known all over the country and can be seen on TV screen. Its development is also difficult to contain as it often receives changes, like its performance form, according to the era.

Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village in the Ulytau District of Karaganda Oblast – mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. Preceded by year-long preparations, the main constituents of the practice are: ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient ‘first milking’ rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from the herds, milking the mares, and celebrating with songs, dances and games; ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, the ‘stallion’s marriage’), a recent rite for adjoining stallions in herds; and ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, the ‘initiation of koumiss’), the ‘first koumiss sharing’ rite, opening the season of its production and sharing. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality.

Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village in the Ulytau District of Karaganda Oblast – mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. Preceded by year-long preparations, the main constituents of the practice are: ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient ‘first milking’ rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from the herds, milking the mares, and celebrating with songs, dances and games; ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, the ‘stallion’s marriage’), a recent rite for adjoining stallions in herds; and ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, the ‘initiation of koumiss’), the ‘first koumiss sharing’ rite, opening the season of its production and sharing. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality.

Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village in the Ulytau District of Karaganda Oblast – mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. Preceded by year-long preparations, the main constituents of the practice are: ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient ‘first milking’ rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from the herds, milking the mares, and celebrating with songs, dances and games; ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, the ‘stallion’s marriage’), a recent rite for adjoining stallions in herds; and ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, the ‘initiation of koumiss’), the ‘first koumiss sharing’ rite, opening the season of its production and sharing. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality.

Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village in the Ulytau District of Karaganda Oblast – mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. Preceded by year-long preparations, the main constituents of the practice are: ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient ‘first milking’ rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from the herds, milking the mares, and celebrating with songs, dances and games; ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, the ‘stallion’s marriage’), a recent rite for adjoining stallions in herds; and ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, the ‘initiation of koumiss’), the ‘first koumiss sharing’ rite, opening the season of its production and sharing. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality.

Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village in the Ulytau District of Karaganda Oblast – mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. Preceded by year-long preparations, the main constituents of the practice are: ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient ‘first milking’ rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from the herds, milking the mares, and celebrating with songs, dances and games; ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, the ‘stallion’s marriage’), a recent rite for adjoining stallions in herds; and ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, the ‘initiation of koumiss’), the ‘first koumiss sharing’ rite, opening the season of its production and sharing. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality.

Kymyz murunduk (Entertainment with First Koumyss).\nFrom the early morning, on round tables or just on the earth near tethered horses, the families serve a ritual food for regaling villagers and visitors. Presenting the images of ancestors, famous horse breeders, is a new tradition.\nKazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’.\n‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking.

Kymyz murunduk (Entertainment with First Koumyss)\nKymyz muryndyk is a festive rite of sharing and tasting the first kymyz. One after another, all families invite the others to taste their kymyz. The elderly women are invited first and occupy most honorable places.\nKazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’.\n‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking.