Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, 2008\nCultural space of Boysun was proclaimed a Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2001 and inscribed onto the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008.This film contains information about the Boysun district’s nature and the cultural processes related to craftsmanship, folk performance, traditional medicine, and others.Strong aspiration to preserve traditional lifestyles of the local people was observed during filming process in 2016 and 2017. An example of this is the increasing number of followers of the folk-ethnographic ensemble called Boysun.

Cultural space of Boysun was proclaimed a Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2001 and inscribed onto the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008.\nThe current film contains information about the Boysun district’s nature and the cultural processes related to craftsmanship, folk performance, traditional medicine, and others.\nStrong aspiration to preserve traditional lifestyles of the local people was observed during filming process during 2016 and 2017. An example of this is the increasing number of followers of the folk-ethnographic ensemble called Boysun.

Introduction\n\nIn Malaysia, there is a living traditional art where a storyteller develops the oral tradition, otherwise known as oral literature.\n\nOral tradition is the original source of Malay literature and translated into written literature. One of the practitioners of this oral tradition is known as 'Awang Batil'. Apart from specialised storytellers such as Awang Batil, there are other transmissions of oral literature throughout the country, especially in villages through folk stories or stories of elders that are collected, rewritten and made into collections for children to read.\n\n\nAwang Batil\n\nAwang Batil is a storyteller who provided entertainment and education to the people, especially to the villagers and local community. Awang Batil entertains and educates the community through many classic stories that he inherited. Through those stories, the community is entertained and educated.\n\nOnce upon a time, Awang Batil functioned as a story book, novel, radio, television, movie or video as it is now. He would travel from house to house, village to village, state to state including the state of Kedah, Penang and some areas in the Southern Region of Thailand, especially the Setol Region.

In the communities of Viqueque, particularly among the Tetun-Terik-speaking people, fai-akar—the production of sago flour from the akar palm—is not merely a method of food preparation; it is a cultural ceremony that blends labor, rhythm, and collective identity. At the heart of this tradition is the Tali-Bole dance, a dynamic performance woven seamlessly into the act of pounding sago, transforming a daily task into a vibrant expression of heritage.\n\nThe process of making fai-akar begins with harvesting the inner pith of the akar palm tree, which is then ground and washed to extract starch. This labor-intensive task is done in groups, mostly by women, using long wooden pestles to pound the fiber in large mortars. But what sets this practice apart is the way pounding becomes performance: the coordinated movement of the pestles rises and falls to the beat of chanting and drumming, and the Tali-Bole dance emerges from the rhythm of the work itself.\n\nDancers move in synchrony with the pounding, often stepping in and out of the work line, twirling or waving cloth, and responding to sung verses. The term tali-bole can be interpreted in various ways—some connect it to the image of “binding cords,” others to the swinging motion of the pestles themselves—but in all meanings, it emphasizes connection, unity, and the shared pulse of community labor.\n\nSongs sung during the pounding and dancing are passed down orally and are rich in metaphor and memory. One of the most well-known verses, Lakaleok, is sung toward the end of the session, signaling closure and expressing gratitude. These lyrics often tell stories of ancestors, landscapes, and social values, ensuring that cultural knowledge is preserved even in the most practical of activities.\n\nTraditionally, fai-akar and Tali-Bole were performed during rites of passage, funerals, house inaugurations, and communal feasts. Participation was seen not only as a contribution of labor but as an affirmation of cultural belonging. The rhythmic beat of the pestles and the voices of the singers created a space where work, ritual, and performance blended into one.\n\nAlthough the practice remains alive in some villages, it faces growing challenges. The availability of processed food, the decline of communal labor traditions, and the migration of youth to urban areas have all contributed to its reduced presence. Yet, in places where it continues, fai-akar and Tali-Bole are embraced as sources of pride, often featured at cultural festivals and heritage events to showcase the strength and creativity of traditional life.\n\nTo witness Tali-Bole is to see cultural memory in motion—where hands work, feet dance, and voices carry the wisdom of generations. In every stomp and song, the community reaffirms its bond with the land, its past, and one another.

Performed with grace, dignity, and deep cultural symbolism, Tebe-Lilin is a traditional dance that brings together members of a community in shared celebration, remembrance, and expression. It is practiced in several regions of Timor-Leste and is especially known for its emphasis on unity and peaceful co-existence.\n\nThe word “tebe” refers to a communal line or circle dance, while “lilin” translates as candle or light. Together, the name evokes the image of people dancing around a source of light—both literal and symbolic—illuminating shared values such as harmony, hope, and continuity. Historically, dancers would carry actual candles or use candlenuts wrapped in cotton, creating a flickering trail of light as they moved through the night.\n\nTebe-Lilin* is performed by groups of men and women—young and old—who link arms or shoulders and form lines or circles. They move rhythmically in unison, stepping to the beat of babadok drums and chanting in call-and-response style. The songs are often poetic and metaphorical, expressing themes of love, sorrow, longing, and reconciliation. Each verse is rich with meaning, serving not just as entertainment but as oral literature passed from generation to generation.\n\nThe dance is deeply woven into ceremonial life. It features prominently during sau-batar (corn harvest celebrations), barlake (marriage exchanges), community healing rituals, and memorial events. In each setting, Tebe-Lilin helps strengthen the spiritual and emotional ties among participants. Its circular form is believed to create balance and connection, while the singing creates a space for open emotional expression—an opportunity to share joys and wounds alike.\n\nIn some versions of the dance, the use of light is entirely symbolic. The “candle” represents the enduring spirit of the ancestors, the resilience of the community, or the moral light that guides people through challenges. The act of dancing around it becomes a ritual of reaffirmation—a moment when the community collectively reflects on its path forward while honoring its roots.\n\nThough Tebe-Lilin remains alive in certain communities, it faces challenges. Younger generations are increasingly detached from these communal traditions, and the ritual contexts in which the dance once thrived are becoming less frequent. Elders and cultural leaders continue to play a vital role in teaching the songs, movements, and meanings behind the dance, often through village gatherings, church events, and cultural festivals.\n\nIn its form and spirit, Tebe-Lilin exemplifies intangible cultural heritage at its finest: it is an art form, a social practice, and a vehicle for transmitting identity. Every time the dance is performed, it brings light—not just to the night, but to the hearts and memories of those who dance and watch.

It is the New Year by solar calendar in Central, South and South-West Asia countries. According to sources, Navruz was one of the biggest festivities among Iranian and Turkic peoples. Mahmud al-Kashgari in his work called "Diwanu l-Lugat al-Turk" mentions about many folk songs, which were dedicated to Navruz. Also, the information about Navruz festivity can be found in such works as "The remaining traces of past centuries" (written by Abu Rayhan al-Biruni), "Navruzname" (by Omar Khayyam), and those written by Alisher Navoi, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babur and other scholars. \nIn the territory of Central Asia Navruz festivity was associated with the beginning of the New Year. As such, the preparations for it began several days ahead. Wheat was germinated and from its sprouts sumalak was cooked, dumplings with greens and samosas with mint were prepared. Also folk games were organized (such as horseracing, uloq, kurash, etc.), promenades were arranged, songs about spring were sung, terma and dostons were performed (by bakhshis). On the first day of Navruz children, living in rural areas, gathered in groups and sang songs dedicated to Navruz before the doors of houses. And the owner of the house, hearing these songs, came out, gave presents to children, and treated them with food. In their turn, children distributed one part of the food among widows and orphans living in the village. All these traditions and customs are still alive.

“The Spirit of the Steppe: Mongolian Horse Culture” takes viewers on a powerful journey into the heart of Mongolia’s nomadic heritage—where horses are more than animals; they are partners in survival, symbols of strength, and spiritual companions.\n\nFor centuries, Mongolians have relied on horses for hunting, warfare, migration, transport, food, and drink. From galloping across the steppe to brewing healing mare’s milk (airag), horses are central to every aspect of nomadic life. Their unmatched endurance, compact build, and gentle temperament make Mongolian horses ideal for long rides, harsh climates, and riders of all ages.\n\nThis documentary explores how foals are trained from a young age, classified into herding, racing, catching, or event horses, and how they are selected for leadership based on traits like stamina, courage, and gait. Viewers will also discover Mongolia’s diverse horse breeds—like Galshar, Tesin Gol, and Darkhad—each adapted to different terrains, from desert to mountains.\n\nWith deep respect, herders care for their horses using centuries-old techniques such as acupuncture, moxibustion, and mindful riding practices. Tools like saddles, bridles, hobbles, and brushes are passed down through generations, and always stored in the honored western side of the ger.\n\nThe film also highlights horse-related rituals and songs, sung when milking mares, calming foals, or praising racehorses. These traditions, rich in emotion and wisdom, echo the unique bond between herder and horse—a bond built on trust, respect, and shared purpose.\n\nMongolian horses are not only fast and hardy—they’re loyal, intuitive, and capable of navigating home across vast distances. With each gallop, they carry the legacy of the steppe.

▶ Play Video 1. The World of a Maguindanao Virtuoso: This episode was first aired on Filipino television on August 18, 1994. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nThe Maguindanao (Magindanaw, Maguindanaw, Magindanao, Maguindanaon, Magindanaoan, Mindanao) form one of the large ethnic groups of the country. Most of the members are concentrated in the municipalities of Dinaig, Datu Piang, Shariff Aguak, and Buluan, in the province of Maguindanao.\n\nConstant contact with the Spaniards led to naming the entire island after the Maguindanao. The people practice Islam; their culture and social structure are deeply tied to this eligion, forming a conformity without which the group would not have been able to resist the incursions of the Spanish conquistadores. One of the three Philippine sultanates is aguindanao. The Maguindanao sultanate at one period in history could claim ritual authority over southwestern Mindanao. Their socio-political system and the hierarchical structure of their society are complex and similar to that of the Sulu sultanate.\n\nThere are three royal houses: Maguindanaon in Sultan Kudarat, Buayan in Datu Piang, and Kabuntalan in Tumbao, all of which trace their lineage to Sharif Kabunsuan, one of the earliest Muslim missionaries, and Sultan Kudarat. Customary law (adat) is applied, embodied in oral traditions and in accordance with the Paluwaran code, which contains provisions for very aspect of life.\n\nThe culture is characteristically lowland with a special adaptation to marshland, and wet rice is the staple food. Arts and crafts are well developed, exhibiting sophistication in eaving. Through waste mold technology metalwork and with the double-bellows Malaysian forge, they produce a wide range of bronze artifacts including betel-nut boxes, gongs, knives, racelets, and even the Southeast Asian cannon, the lantaka. The lantaka is not used just in warfare, but also as a prestigious status symbol.\n\nTheir ornamental art employs very characteristic design motifs that show affinity with the rest of Southeast Asia while retaining a distinctive ethnic identity. Their musical nstruments include a unique crocodile-motif version of the ubiquitous two-stringed lute, the kutyapi; the kulintang, which comprises eight brass gongs of graduated sizes; and the very large and deep agong, as well as various drums and flutes. Their music is characterized by drone and permutation.

This documentary explores the cultural and spiritual significance of Uma Lulik (Sacred Houses) in Timor-Leste, which serve as powerful symbols of Timorese identity passed down through generations. These sacred houses are often located in high, remote areas—both for protection and to maintain spiritual connection—and are key centers for preserving tangible and intangible cultural heritage, such as sacred water sources, stones, tombs, and rituals.\n\nThe film highlights the distinct architectural features of Uma Lulik, such as the male and female wooden pillars (Ai-rin Mane and Ai-rin Feto), which carry profound cultural meanings. It explains the differences between Uma Lulik and Uma Fukun—supporting clan houses—and Uma To’os, sacred houses used by Timorese communities living in urban areas like Dili.\n\nThrough interviews with cultural custodians like Tiu Eugénio J. Sarmento and Tiu João dos Santos Hohulu, viewers gain insights into construction rituals, traditional ceremonies, and the symbolic meanings embedded in the sacred architecture. These include elaborate community efforts to transport and erect wooden pillars, sacrificial offerings, and spiritual dances that mark the creation of Uma Lulik.\n\nThe video also features the Knua Lulik Hohulu in Fatubessi, a living example of cultural continuity, where traditions are upheld by local leaders through collective roles and ancestral knowledge.\n\nFinally, the documentary emphasizes the efforts of the Government of Timor-Leste, particularly through the Secretary of State for Arts and Culture, to safeguard and promote sacred cultural sites. Through active community engagement and support for traditional practices, these initiatives aim to ensure the intergenerational transmission of cultural memory and identity, while also encouraging cultural tourism.

In 2018, UNESCO also commissioned a survey (SAU-ICH Survey) on ICH in African universities. Conducted for over two months, the survey found that only one academic programme solely focused on ICH was offered in an African country (Zambia since 2019) while multiple programmes related to ICH were available across the region. The survey etched out the necessity for national and international cooperation in the agenda of bringing ICH in higher education, with most of its recommendations anchored on the long-term benefits of having a network with an online platform to further promote and build capacity around the safeguarding of ICH in Africa. Dr. Jacob Mapara, Acting Director, Institute of Lifelong Learning and Development Studies, Chinhoyi University of Technology shares the networking experience with higher education institutions in Southern Africa. \n\nJACOB MAPARA is currently the Acting Director of the Institute of Lifelong Learning and Development Studies of Chinhoyi University of Technology in Zimbabwe, where he is the Chairperson of the Centre for Indigenous Knowledge and Living Heritage. At present, Professor Mapara is leading the “Inventorying oral traditions, expressions, local knowledge, and practices of the Korekore of Hurungwe district in Zimbabwe” project.

A huge gap in the ecosystem is that despite the important roles the Chinese clan associations play in Singapore’s nation-building and promotion of cultural understanding, many younger generation Singaporean are not aware of their existence, much less their relevance. According to the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations in 2017, “more than half of the clan associations are in danger of fading away, if they do not actively attract younger members”. This project addresses this important gap by creating ground-up initiatives which could spur interest amongst the public and actively engage the youth to continue the lifeline of Chinese clan associations. Moreover, the aged clan members are living treasure troves to our past. However, there hasn’t been sufficient projects that tap into their knowledge about our less-known food history, traditions, and customs. This project serves as a stepping stone to spark conversations and ignite interest in uncovering more about our rich Singaporean food heritage before they are lost in the time.\n\nHaving spent more than half her life with clan associations, Lynn Wong is passionate about uncovering and sharing the lesser-known Singaporean Chinese clan heritage with the youth. She is the project director of Ho Yeah Festival (the first-ever Cantonese and Hakka festival in Singapore), as well as the recipient of the inaugural Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA) Outstanding Youth Award in 2017.\n\nTexts\n\nQingming Festival is a time for ancestor veneration and tomb sweeping. There is a popular saying, “Of all virtues, filial piety comes first.” Ancestor veneration is an important Chinese tradition. During Qingming Festival, descendants will make ancestral offerings to express their love and gratitude. Our Singapore Hakka forefathers from the Wui Chiu Prefecture have a must-have Qingming traditional snack – the Mugwort Kueh. Families coming together to wrap Mugwort Kueh is a more than 1000-year-old tradition of the Wui Chiu people. The mugwort leaf is said to be a miracle herb that can cure all kinds of diseases.

Shashmaqam (means the six Maqams (modes)) is a Central Asian musical genre (typical of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) which firstly developed in Bukhara. Shashmaqom (in Farsi - "Six maqoms") is a leading musical-cyclic genre of musical heritage of Uzbek and Tajik people. It includes a cycle of complex and perfect instrumental as well as vocal compositions encompassing different types of melos, forms, usuls (rhythmic formulae) and performances. Shashmaqom is a cycle consisting of six maqoms, namely Buzruk, Rost, Navo, Dugoh, Segoh and Iroq. Each of these consists of two parts respectively, i.e. instrumental one (which is called "Mushkilot") and vocal one (which is called "Nasr"), representing more than 250 cycles of instrumental and vocal compositions in total. Shashmaqom got formed in urban environment, and its bearers of traditions were well-known musicians and singers. Its vocal part was performed in Uzbek and Tajik languages. The texts were mainly taken from the poems of classics of oriental poetry (i.e. Rudaki, Jami, Lutfi, Navoi, Babur, Khafiz, Fizuli, Amiri, Nodira, Zebuniso, Ogahiy and others) and were dedicated to love-related, lyrical, philosophical, didactic, religious themes. Folk poetry examples were also used. Most widely used musical instrument was tanbur. It is based on tuning tanbur that the tonal basis of maqoms emerged. Instrumental part of each maqom included instrumental compositions such as "Tasnif", "Tarje", "Gardun", "Mukhammas" and "Sakil", performed either solo or by instrumental ensemble. However, each part differed with its own tune, character of melody, structure and usuls of doira. Vocal parts are considered the most difficult and complete ones in terms of structure, melos and form and are divided into two cycles (shuba): the first one includes "Sarakhbor", "Talqin", "Nasr" and "Ufar", performed by leading singer - hofiz (their melodies are more developed, of great range and complex form). Between main parts "Tarona" was sung by vocal ensemble as a connecting one (it is a small vocal piece, which has its own tunes, feature and forms). The second cycle (shuba) includes five-part cycles "Moghulcha" and "Savt" (except maqom "Iroq"). In addition to main parts, each maqom incorporates additional compositions: instrumental one (naghma, peshrav, samoyi, hafif), and vocal one (uzzol, ushshoq, bayot, chorgoh, nasrullo, oraz, khusayniy, navrozi sabo, khoro and ajam), the creators of which were bastakors (creators of oral musical tradition). Shashmaqom got formed, has been preserved, mastered and transmitted from generation to generation verbally, based on "Ustoz-shogird" ("master-apprentice") method of learning.