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A Look into Jeju: Living in Harmony with NatureJeju is a volcanic island filled with stones. Previous eruptions have produced volcanic bombs (large volcanic rocks) scattered around, covering the whole island. This is why it is difficult to cultivate crops in Jeju. Since the thirteenth century, the people of Jeju have been making stone walls to secure farmlands. The total length of stone walls is estimated at 22,100 km. These stone walls look like they are heaped up randomly. However, Jeju people’s wisdom is time-tested, unassumingly sturdy, hidden in those walls. Because the island is prone to strong winds all throughout the year, taking note of typhoons in the summer, they built the stone walls like roughly-heaped stones with holes to let the wind pass through, weakening the possibility of structural collapse.\n\nTamna is Jeju’s old name. The beginning of Tamna is illustrated by Samseong myth. Legend has it that three demigods emerged from holes in the ground. The ground is called samseonghyeol, which is still considered as a sacred place. The emergence from the ground shows difference in cultural archetype from the birth myth of the mainland involving the egg from the heavens. There are 18,000 gods and goddesses in Jeju. Jeju people believe that god lives in everything. Such belief is shaped by Jeju’s naturally difficult tendencies. As people in Jeju battle with endless wind and water shortage due to the island’s barren volcanic environment, they rely on gods to adapt to the roughness of Jeju.\n\nThere are Bonhyangdang Shrines, the house of gods protecting people’s livelihoods. simbangs (shaman in Jeju dialect) act as intermediary between Jeju people and gods. They perform yeongdeunggut in the second lunar month for haenyeo (female divers) and fishermen who depend on the sea for a living. The Yeongdeung is the goddess of the wind, who can raise the waves, which is why she is deemed important for the safety of people pursuing the sea. Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut, the representative yeongdeunggut in Jeju, was listed as an Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity of UNESCO in 2009. There are many other rituals for gods and goddesses of the sea, which are held in roughly 30 areas in Jeju during the same month. There are many stories related to goddesses in Jeju. Different from goddesses in other countries, Jeju goddesses neither depend on nor belong to gods. This is a characteristic shown by Grandmother Seolmundae, the giant who created the island by carrying soil in her skirts; Grandmother Samseung, the goddess of babies; and Jacheongbi, the goddess of farming. Jeju women have high self-esteem unlike those in patriarchal East Asian societies following Confucian teachings. They also participate in the economy more actively than their counterparts in other regions in Korea. Jeju haenyeo is a representative example of women’s participation in the economy. In 2016, the Culture of Jeju Haenyeo was inscribed on the Representative the List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO during the eleventh Session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. It shows matriarchal characteristics of Jeju. In Jeju where the soil is not fit for rice farming, many women became divers to find food from the sea and learned how to cooperate with each other.\n\nDespite the unique challenges in the island, Jeju people have used nature without destroying it, depending on 18,000 gods and neighbors. Such characteristics form the core of the Jeju culture.\n\nPhoto : Jeju haenyeo (female divers) crossing low stone walls to get to the sea © Jeju Haenyeo MuseumYear2017NationSouth Korea
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VARIETY AND MEANING IN JULDARIGI, KOREAN TUG-OF-WARDuring Dan-o, Daeboreum, and Chuseok, pre-modern Koreans used to hold celebrations composed of rituals to the communal deity, communal games, and various folk arts. Among the communal games, the tug-of-war was the most common. It was widely distributed around the central southern region of Korea and played simultaneously or in rotation with other communal games.Year2014NationSouth Korea
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CLIMBING THE PRIORITY LADDER: EDUCATION AND ICHEvery year there is much ado about inscribing items on UNESCO’s Representative List. When the dust of that spectacle settles down, it is possible to discern what was distinctive and important in a meeting of the Intergovernmental Committee, in the long run and on the ground (everywhere). In 2015, in Windhoek (10.COM), it was, next to the breakthrough of the notion of stakeholders,1 glocal ethics.2 This took the form of, on the one hand, the twelve ethical principles (and the still unfulfilled promise to create a web platform with relevant tools) and, on the other hand a new chapter, of the Operational Directives that partially translated themes of the 2030 Agenda to intangible heritage safeguarding policy.Year2018NationSouth Korea
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International Cooperation through Tugging Rituals and Games and their Achievements: Activities in Post Multinational InscriptionsTug-of-war is a universal cultural phenomenon all around the world. Especially in Asia, the tug-of-war is related to rice farming and is thus commonly found in the farming cultures of Northeast and Southeast Asia. As practiced in Asia, the tug-of-war is performed either as a prayer for rain, or for a good harvest, or to foretell whether the year’s harvest will be good or bad. Tug-of-war activities have similarities that include two teams pulling at the opposite ends of a rope. They also have distinctness, individuality, and creativity interactivity with the climate or environment, making tug-of-war events worth preserving as a common element of Asian intangible cultural heritage (ICH).\n\nRecognizing the universality and distinctness of tug-of-war traditions in Asia, Cambodia, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Vietnam prepared a multinational file to nominate “Tugging Rituals and Games” to the UNESCO Representative List of the ICH of Humanity through mutual communications and meetings. The Republic of Korea submitted the nomination file to the Convention Secretariat on behalf of the four countries on 31 March 2014. The nomination file was eventually recognized on 2 December 2015 during the tenth session of the Intergovernmental Committee held from 30 November to 4 December 2015 in Namibia.\n\nThe inscription of Tugging Rituals and Games to the UNESCO Representative List of the ICH of Humanity has brought about a sensation in each country. The news of the multinational inscription was covered in a slew of media outlets in each country, and in particular, Vietnam selected the multinational inscription as one of the top ten cultural news events of 2015. The Republic of Korea, which led the multinational inscription, conducted commemorative events, such as holding an exhibition and publishing books in Korean and English.Year2021NationSouth Korea
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Jeju Chilmeoridang YeongdeunggutJeju Yeongdeunggut is a shamanic ritual performed during the second lunar month to greet and see off the goddess Yeongdeung. Yeongdeung, the goddess of wind, is typically recognized in the form of Yeongdeunghalmang (Grandmother Yeongdeung). In winter, when the cold wind blows from the northwest, she brings prosperity to the land and sea. It was the custom for the Yeongdeung Welcoming Ritual to be performed to celebrate her arrival and the Yeongdeung Farewell Ritual to be performed fifteen days later to mark her departure.Year2021NationSouth Korea
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Traditional Practices and SDGsOn 19 and 20 November, in the Terai region of Nepal and Indian States of Bihar, Jharkhand, and Uttar Pradesh, the people celebrated the Chhath Puja festival. This is one of the most important festivals for the people living in that region. It has now exceeded the traditional boundary of celebration and proliferated to wider geography due to widespread diaspora.\n\nDuring the four-day festival, the Sun and goddess Chhati Maiya are worshipped in water sources—ponds, rivers, and lakes. By worshipping goddess Chhati Maiya, people believe wishes will be fulfilled and provide support and strength for the poor and needy. In this festival, the rich and poor come to the same place to worship with same kind of offerings.\n\nWater sources—ponds, lakes, and riverbanks—are important for this event, so people start cleaning and decorating these places much ahead of festival. They decorate the water sources with flowers, banana plants and leaves, offerings, and lights. During the festival, colorfully dressed people create a special and spectacular ambience. So not only the people celebrating but also those from other religions and regions come to visit these celebratory spots. Other than the religious, cultural, and social importance of this festival, it tries to teach important lessons on conserving water sources.\n\nThis is just one example among many festivals and rituals whose main reason for existing is taking care of forests, water sources, mountains, and other natural resources. In South Asia, despite having traditional linkages related to nature, such as rivers being a sacred place. The irony is that rivers are the most polluted in these regions.\n\nRituals for the water sources, praying in the mountains, and many more continue to be practiced. The main motto of these festivals is to conserve nature and water sources, but some are lost in the process. We are taught to keep up the traditions, but we forgot to transfer the actual meaning behind these traditions.\n\nThis is why we need to include ICH in education where we can correlate traditional knowledge with modern science. We despise the ancient knowledge and want scientific answers for all our problems. But if we look closely at most of the traditions passed on to us, these rituals are solutions for many modern problems.\n\nMost of the Sustainable Development Goals can be addressed through understanding practices and traditional knowledge. The relation of traditional values of safeguarding water sources can address the problem of access to clean water for the people. Similarly, peace, social cohesion, climate change, inclusiveness, and safe cities are a few of them, which could directly contribute with better understanding of intangible heritage.\n\nWe have the subjects like environmental science and social studies in school, but we rarely have relatable chapters on addressing local problems and solutions for them. We educate students on the plastic problem, but we should also discuss alternatives like traditional use of leaves plates and bowels, degradable clay cups, and other items.\n\nPhoto : Chhath Puja celebration at the bank of pond © Monalisa MaharjanYear2020NationIndia,Nepal
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Effects of Covid-19 on the Continuity of FestivalsKathmandu Valley, the land of festivals, rituals, and celebrations all around the year, has its fair share during the spring as well. The festival of colors signifies the arrival spring and warm weather. It is celebrated on the full-moon day, which normally falls in the month of March depending on the lunar calendar. Also, several festivals and chariot processions follow afterwards and are specific to cities and towns within the valley. These festivals have continued since their inception, even when the devastating earthquake hit Kathmandu Valley in 2015.\n\nBut this year the global coronavirus pandemic threaten many festivals, which have been halted or celebrated with few participants. Holi, which used to be celebrated in huge groups were celebrated with just families and in smaller groups. The rituals associated with Holi, like raising and falling of chir—a long wooden pole with multicolor clothes hanging on it as umbrella were performed. This year Holi was celebrated on 9 March in Kathmandu Valley, and with threat of spreading Corona Virus, the government of Nepal issued notice not to have a mass gathering. So the festival of color was celebrated with just families and was not in a celebratory mode like in previous years.\n\nAfter that, most of the festival that followed were not held this year, limiting to just formal rituals. Pachare, one of the major festivals of Kathmandu, saw just family rituals and celebrations within families. The celebration with gatherings of different localities with the mother goddess in palanquins was halted. During the same time, the Nepal army used to hold a horseracing festival in Tudikhel (a large open space within Kathmandu), which also gave the festival name Ghode Jatra for the non-Newa community. This public event used to be attended by high-profile people of the country including the President and Prime Minister. This year just few days ahead of the event, the Nepal army canceled it.\n\nSimilarly, with the stress of the rapid spreading of the coronavirus all over the world, the other festivals are also being cancelled. The organizing committee of chariot procession of Seto Machindranath held a meeting and cancelled the yearly procession. Every year the festival chariot procession takes place in March or April for four days in Kathmandu with huge fanfare. This year it was supposed to take place from 30 March to 2 April.\n\nFollowing Kathmandu, the major festival of Bhaktapur “Biska Jatra,” which is celebrated for eight to nine days depending on lunar calendar was also cancelled this year. This year the festival was supposed to take place from 9 to 17 April, with the events like chariot procession, raising wooden pole called yosi, several other rituals, and so on. During this event, there used to be a mass gathering, people participating as well as spectators even from the neighboring cities. After meeting with the local government, municipalities, community leaders, and Guthi members, the decision was made not to continue the festival this year. Like in other places, the community decided to go ahead with just formal rituals.\n\nThe festivals in Nepal are not just for public gatherings, music, and dances but also for the extended family members to get together and strengthen the family ties. This is the first time that these major festivals were discontinued as people are advised to keep social distancing and in lockdown. The effect of Covid-19 also was seen in the small community rituals of Guthi. The social association used to have many community specific rituals in the springtime.\n\nPhoto : Chir which signifies the Holi festival in front of Gaddi Baithak in Kathmandu © Monalisa MaharjanYear2020NationNepal
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Cultural Heritage in Conflict AreasTo professionals in the sector of cultural heritage and stewards who recognize its significance to us all, tangible objects and intangible traditions both possess more power than many realize. There is a reason why in times of conflict, historic buildings and the rites and rituals related to these tangible elements are targeted as a means of violence: because as a direct line to identity, community, solidarity, belonging, unity, and connection to the past, both tangible and intangible heritage are an easy target for those who seek to obtain control by dismantling those rudimentary building blocks. Extremist groups, political regimes, and global institutions are all well aware that one of the most fundamental ways to injure a people is to separate them from the elements of cultural heritage that otherwise connect us, fill us up, and provide us with a sense of self, place, and purpose—and ultimately make us human.\n\nThe power that cultural heritage holds over entire nations, vastly spread ethnic groups, and displaced people across the globe does increase the vulnerability of the precious manifestations of that heritage—everything from architecture marvels to the surprisingly meaningful trinkets laying around peoples’ houses to the recipes, fairy tales, figures of speech, and traditional melodies passed down from generation to generation. But this strong influence can also be harnessed as a more positive asset, especially in the aftermath of conflict and trauma.\n\nAs communities heal from the wounds carved by violence and destruction in contexts like war, political upheaval, civil unrest, or natural disasters, cultural heritage may be a lifeline to which they can cling. Programs offered by global organizations like ICCROM and grassroots movements alike are mobilizing cultural heritage in the aftermath of destructive conflicts, fashioning it into a tool that will help to re-establish a sense of unity and identity. Honoring traditions by telling stories, revisiting significant locations, cooking recipes, and documenting intangible heritage offers an arena in which current pains can be momentarily soothed by the comfort of familiar customs and the reunification of a community. The education of local history has offered a similar sense of togetherness through the remembrance of a shared past, in which our identities the present day are so deeply rooted. But furthermore, history adds a layer of perspective, accounting for many of the grudges and lingering pains in which modern conflicts are often steeped.\n\nOutside of conflict zones, heritage can continue to pull its weight in the post-conflict recovery process. As refugees navigate displacement in new environments, collections at museums containing heritage objects that hail from their home countries can become touchstones of familiarity and opportunities for intangible heritage to be remembered and maintained. Through both the tangible objects themselves, which may hold particular significance and meaning to the people who come from the same cultural background, and through the elements of intangible heritage, memory, and identity that the items invoke, historical artifacts can be instrumental in establishing new communities and connections among immigrants and refugees.\n\nSeveral museums have recognized their role as meeting places offering programs in which displaced communities are trained as museum guides and deliver tours in their native languages, projects like this enable displaced people to be connected to their heritage while participating in the exchange of diverse cultural experiences within the museum. Although the tangible collections are the base of such initiatives, they also provide a venue for language, memory, culture, and identity to be expressed and kept alive.\n\nBoth on the ground as the dust settles in post-conflict zones and in widespread corners of the globe where displaced persons start new lives, cultural heritage has great potential to serve as a steppingstone as individuals and communities take steps forward in their healing process. In reconnecting individuals to the traditions, memory, community, shared history, and identity that shapes every one of us, heritage is undoubtedly powerful. But beyond this, in its appeal to the part of the human psyche that inherently yearns to belong to something, to know where we have come from, and to feel safely held by the cultures, which serve as a placeless home, some would argue that heritage is essential.\n\nPhoto : Science Photo Library, CC BY NTB scanpixYear2020NationCentral Asia
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The Pastoralists of Kutch: Fakirani JatsKutch is the largest district located in the western state of Gujarat, India. It is home to several distinct traditional crafts, communities, and indigenous knowledge systems. It is often known as the melting point of numerous diverse cultures, heritage, and rich traditions.\n\nOne of the most unique pastoral communities found in Kutch is the Fakirani Jats. It is one of the four subgroups of the Jat community found across the region’s grasslands. The other three communities are the Hajiyani Jats, Daneta Jats, and Garasiya Jats. The pastoral communities including Fakirani Jats are commonly referred to as Maldharis (maal refers to cattle and dharis who keep these animals). The Fakirani Jats are a pastoral community by occupation, and they move throughout the year with herds of camels and buffaloes as part of their nomadic lifestyle. However, they are gradually establishing their roots in and around Lakhpat, the last civilian point of Kutch, bordering Pakistan.\n\nThe Fakirani Jats are a camel-breeding community and share a special relationship with camels. The camels are an indigenous breed known as kharai that are found only in Gujarat and 40 percent of them are in Kutch. The kharai camels are a unique breed that feeds on the mangrove forests and swim across the ocean for hours. The men of the community can be seen accompanying the kharai camels to the mangrove forests in the Gulf of Kutch and travel with them for around eight to nine months in a year. The camels feed on a typical vegetation grown in the mangroves called cheriya in the local language. The mangroves play an important role in preserving the ecosystem and are the main source of livelihood for many camel breeders of Kutch.\n\nThe community’s survival largely depends on its camels and buffaloes. The Fakirani Jats worship camels and never believed in the commercialization of camel products. They have traditionally depended on buffalo milk only as the means for sustenance however with changes in their lifestyle, many have also started selling camel milk for their livelihood.\n\nToday, the community faces numerous challenges at every level. The increasing industrialization along the coast has affected the mangroves and the grazing routes. This has impacted the lives of the camels and the Fakkirani Jats. In addition, the decreasing number of camels in Kutch is another issue. According to an article, the number of kharai camels has dwindled from 2,200 camels in 2013 to 1,800 in 2018.1. All these are causes of concern for a huge number of communities dependent on the kharai camels. However, a ray of hope has come from several organizations supporting their communities with livelihood opportunities by creating and strengthening unique initiatives to prioritize the needs of the community and keeping alive the existence of an integrated human culture ecosystem in Kutch.\n\nThe author would like to thank the Fakirani Jat community along with Mustak Mustafa for the valuable information provided by them.\n\nPhoto 1~5 : Fakrirani Jats © Rauf MutvaYear2021NationIndia
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Coral Stone Mosques of the Maldives: The Vanishing Legacy of the Indian OceanThe Department of Heritage of the Republic of Maldives held an exhibition to display architectural drawings showcasing Maldivian craftsmanship skills at Maldives National Museum of the Maldives from 28 May to 31 July 2017. The event also featured the illustrations on Maldivian coral carpentry by a renowned Maldivian architect, Mohamed Mauroof Jameel. In the opening ceremony of the exhibition, “Coral Stone Mosques of the Maldives: The Vanishing Legacy of the Indian Ocean” was launched. It is a book detailing the architecture and coral carpentry of coral stone mosques co-authored by Mohamed Mauroof Jameel and Yahya Ahmad, a Malaysian architect.\n\nThe coral stone mosques in Maldives embody the intricate carpentry skills of the Maldivian. Intricately carved, they are exceptional with their lacquerware; an architectural creation seen only in Maldives. Coral carpentry dates back to the Buddhist era in the twelfth century and continued till the introduction of masonry in the late eighteenth century. As the only long-lasting and easily available materials were coral stone and timber, coral stones became the primary building material for monumental buildings. Skilled workers would lift live reef coral boulders or Porite corals from the seabed, cut them into stone blocks while still soft, air dry, and then interlock them to build an edifice. The method of construction using coral blocks was the tongue and groove method, an excellent building technique used in the ancient Maldives. Coral stone construction became even more refined during the emergence of Islam, particularly when the cutting techniques of Swahili region in East Africa influenced Maldivian artisans. The fusion of Buddhist and Islamic cultures in Maldives is reflected in the architecture of the mosques.\n\nHowever, removing corals is now prohibited due to environmental implications. The physical setting of the Maldivian islands with faros (ring-shaped reefs) by reef sediments resulted in the formation of coral reef islands. It is believed that the traditional lifestyle of the people had almost negligible impact on the marine environment. Being a country with more territorial sea than dry land, Maldivians highly depend on resources from the sea. Henceforth, coral reefs are not only economically important to Maldives in terms of revenue since they also function as a buffer to shorelines from wave action and other oceanic processes. It is found that coral mining for coral carpentry could be highly destructive and is carried out at a high cost to the reef environment with a very small return of corals as building materials. Consequently, the Government of Maldives is controlling coral mining with legislation, mindful of the environmental implications of such practice.\n\nThe only coral stone mosques left are those that were built during the ancient times. Maldivians do not practice coral carpentry anymore; however, coral carpentry as a skill is still being transmitted for the future generations. The existing coral carvings and construction are safeguarded by the government and local communities. This heritage embodies spiritual values and history of the Maldivian communities.\n\nPhoto : Detail of coral carving on the premises of Male' Friday Mosque © Dominic SansoniYear2017NationMaldives
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Ever wondered New year celebration in the Himalayas?Nepal is a country of Himalayas boasting the world’s tallest peak, Mt. Everest. Here different caste people live in harmony. Each caste has its language and culture. So, no wonder about having its own New Year as well. Before jumping towards the topic, I would like to introduce the people of the Himalayas. Sherpas, Gurungs, Tamangs, etc. are the biggest ethnic groups that live nearby the Himalayas. Sherpas, who are famous as mountaineers, live in the lap of mountains. Tamangs, Gurungs, etc. are other ethnicities that live in the mountain as well as hilly areas of Nepal. Apart from owning the beautiful snow-clad mountains, these ethnic groups also have their own culture and tradition which is celebrated by the whole Nepalese.\n\nAmong them, Losar is a major festival for the Buddhists people living in the Himalayas. ‘Lo’ means ‘year’ and ‘Sar’ means ‘new’, which means “New year” in the Tibetan language. Rather than Nepal, Losar is also celebrated in Tibet and Bhutan. It is celebrated on the first day of the Lunisolar Tibetan Calendar which falls in February or March according to the Gregorian Calendar. Nepal celebrates three different Losar and is called Tamu Losar, Sonam Losar, and Gyalpo Losar. Tamu Losar is celebrated by Gurung communities, Sonam Losar is celebrated by the Tamang communities whereas Gyalpo Losar is celebrated by the Sherpa community. Even these three Losar are celebrated on different dates, the way of celebrating it is very similar due to their similar lifestyle.\n\nOn Losar day or New Year, all people of the community wear their traditional costumes and gather in the square and celebrate it merrily. They sing their traditional songs, dance in their traditional style. They even celebrate by holding competitions for fun. Like all other festivals we celebrate, Losar is also a festival of family and relatives gathering. On this very day, traditional food is served to all guests who visit their homes. They even perform ritual activities to get relief from bad lucks and they also visit the Buddhist temple and chant their prayer for the prosperity of their family. During the festival, people forget the past thing and forgive each other by exchanging gifts. So, all can have their fresh new start with social harmony and with a new hope.\n\nThis day is a very important day for the young generations as they are learning not only their culture but also songs and dances too. Songs and dances are taught orally at the scene itself, and children learn them. Hence there is no doubt that Losar is a living heritage, that is transmitted from one generation to another generation.\n\nBut due to the rapid change of communities in Nepal, the celebration of Losar is deducting day by day. Young people are moving to the big cities and developed countries. New generations are not as involved as they used to be before. Therefore, to protect their culture and tradition, these ethnic group peoples are doing rallies in Katmandu on Losar day. All different caste people, who celebrate Losar, gather in the rally by wearing their traditional dress performing their cultural songs and dances, and enjoying the local food. They enjoy the whole day festival by doing cultural rallies, singing and dancing as well as making new friends.\n\nTo sum it up, Losar is more than a festival of New year. It is an Intangible Cultural Heritage. This festival brings new hope to the people who celebrate it. It is directly related to the lifestyle of the community as they gather and celebrated it together. But more than that it is a living heritage when they are practicing their songs and dances orally and teaching to the coming new generations. Since the Losar festival, as well as the songs and dances in the festivals, are not recorded, it may extinct at any time. Therefore, with its cultural significance, it is truly a Cultural Heritage of Nepal that should be safeguarded as soon as possible.\n\nphoto : Dance in Tamu Lhosar © Puskapuku123Year2022NationNepal
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KamanchehIntroduction\nKamancheh could be considered one of the national and novel instruments of Persia with a long history in the Orient. Through the historical pages of Baluchistan, an instrument named ghaychak is found and is similar to ghazhak or ghazh, a Perso-Islamic instrument.\n\nHistorical evidence, such as the great music book of Farabi, the poetry book of Masoud Saad, and the paintings of the Chehel Sotoon hall show the antiquity of using this instrument and its similarity to rabab, and give us this information that at the time of Safavid dynasty, it was common to play Kamancheh in the royal court.\n\nHistory\nKamancheh is filled with a history full of ups and downs from the far East to the West and played in different lands in such a way that it is known as an ancestor of the violin, able to perform all the techniques of that instrument; however, its Persian origin is clearly recorded and mentioned in Egyptian documents from the fifteenth century.\n\nThe paintings in the Chehel Sotoon hall shows that this instrument, initially, included three strings, quoted from Edward Brown the British orientalist at nineteenth century, and at the time of Western influence on our culture, during the Qajar period, the fourth string was added to imitate one of its grandchildren: the violin.\n\nIn the region of Lorestan the instrument includes a rich history in such a way that you can find a Kamancheh in every music lover’s house. In this region, the players are called kamancheh-kesh, whereas in other regions, they are called as kamancheh-zan.\n\nLiterature of Music\nMusical instruments, the way they are played, and the essence of the sound created from them have penetrated in the human soul and has somehow transpired into oral literature. What we are speaking of are the poems written by great Persian poets in which we see the use of literature that has been common among musicians and musicians as a common language of the past. Poems written by poets such as Masoud Saad Salman, an eleventh century poet, who mentioned the name Kamancheh along with the names of other musical instruments in his poems as follows:\n\nFrom canon, cheerfulness, glory, welfare, and play\n\nFrom harp, oud, nay, kamancheh, and party\n\nFarrukhi Sistani is another eleventh century poet who had mentioned Kamancheh in his poems:\n\nEvery day there was glory and welfare\n\nEvery day there was canon and tar played\n\nInstrument Components\nResonant Bowl and Skin\nThe bowl is almost spherical and hollow. The upper surface is open, on which the skin is peeled, and the vault is installed. The outer surface of the bowl is decorated with pieces of oyster or bone. Some of the local fiddles are also open behind their bowls, which makes a louder sound. The skin of the aperture is made from the thin hull of quadrupeds such as deer, goats, and lambs.\n\nHandle\nThe handle of the instrument is like a tube full of wood, which is about 25 cm long and 3 cm in diameter.\n\nVault\nThe fiddle vault is made of wood or bone, which is 4 cm long and 2 cm high. The vault rests on the skin of the bowl with its two small pedestals.\n\nThe Claw\nThe claw is located at the beginning of the handle and is made of wood. Its surface is hollow. Four phones are placed in pairs on their sides. At the top of the head is a straight, crown, or narrow.\n\nEars\nThe Kamancheh includes four ears with several instrument strings and in the form of a wide-headed nail made of wood, which are located on the sides of the toe. The flat part of the phone rotates left and right in the player’s hand to tune. The narrow part is inside the space of the claw head, and one end of the wire is wrapped around it.\n\nPawl\nIt is the thin, not long bone or stick the same size as the width of the handle between the claw and the handle, which the wires pass through its shallow grooves and attach to the ears.\n\nStand\nThis stand is a thin, moving metal bar ten centimeters long, that when played, one end is fastened to the bottom of the bowl with a screw, and the other is placed on the foot or the ground.\n\nPhoto : Kamancheh Player by Ibrahim Jabbar-BeikYear2020NationIran