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ICH Elements 53
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Kymyz muryndyk ('initiation of koumiss') Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders
Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present-day reality. The main constituents of the element are: 1.‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. 2. ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, ‘stallion’s marriage’) is a rite for adjoining stallions in herds. taking place on the same day. This rite is considered as a recent one that emerged in response to shifting from nomadic life to settling. 3. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing'; rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The above rite names are equally used also for their scope. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.
Kazakhstan 2018 -
Akiu no Taue Odori
“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.
Japan 2009 -
Washoku, traditional dietary cultures of the Japanese, notably for the celebration of New Year
WASHOKU is social practice based on a comprehensive set of skills, knowledge, practice and traditions related to the production, processing, preparation and consumption of food. It is associated with an essential spirit of respect for nature closely related to the sustainable use of natural resources. WASHOKU has developed as part of daily life and with a connection to annual events and is constantly recreated in response to changes in human relationship with natural and social environment. Basic knowledge, social and cultural characteristics associated with WASHOKU are typically seen in New Year’s cerebrations when Japanese people immerse themselves in their tradition transmitted from generations to generations, thus reaffirming their identity and continuity. WASHOKU in New Year’s celebrations are regionally rich in diversity, given that each province has its own historical and geographical specificity. People make various preparation to welcome the deities of the incoming year; pounding rice cakes, preparing special meals such as beautifully decorated dishes called Osechi, Zoni and Toso, using fresh locally available ingredients each of which has a symbolic meaning. These dishes are served on special tableware and shared by the family members, or shared collectively by the community members, ensuring peoples’ health and social cohesion. This provides an occasion for elderly persons to teach the meanings contained in this social practice to the children. In daily life, WASHOKU has important social functions for the Japanese to reaffirm identity, to foster familial and community cohesion, and to contribute to healthy life, through sharing traditional and well-balanced meals.
Japan 2013 -
Kazakh traditional yurt (nomadic dwelling)
Yurt (kaz. 'kigiz uy', 'kiiz uy') - portable housing with dismountable wooden circular frame with felt covering. Its origins date back to the era of ancient Turkic nomads. For modern population of Kazakhstan yurt is not only housing, and the model of the universe; it is also a symbol of their national identity. A yurt is a round folding wooden frame covered with felt and rope weaving. The frame of the yurt consisting of four parts: •\tkerege - ready-sliding base •\t'uyk' ('uyq') - dome poles, roof (modern) •\tshanyrak ('shanyrak') - circular top, a chimney and a window (modern) •\tyessyk ('esik') - double doors (modern) Tent can be easily assembled and disassembled in a short period of time. Yurt is mainly characterized as easily transportable, compact, ecological and practical home. The yurt used as livestock housing in their daily life and urban residents as a gazebo, which reinforces the sense of the continuity of the traditions of their ancestors.
Kazakhstan 2014
ICH Materials 80
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Navruz in Uzbekistan
"Navruz is one of the largest holidays celebrated by Eastern nations. The Navruz nomination for the UNESCO Representative List in 2009 included seven countries. Since then, more states that celebrate Navruz became States Party to the Convention, the nomination was re-introduced on behalf of twelve States Party.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, 21 March was the national Navruz holiday. However, Navruz is celebrated in throughout country during the whole month.\n\nNavruz celebrations in a makhalla of Tashkent, amusement parks of Fergana, and the Institute of Culture and Art are described in this film. Regardless of the celebration location, it has become a tradition to cook the royal meal of navruz-sumalak and spring meals such as kok somsa (pie with greens) and kok chuchvara (dumplings with greens).\n\nPerformances of folk teams, puppet masters, rope walkers, polvons (wrestlers), and modern music singers and different folk game competitions organized during Navruz. Navruz is not only the beginning of the New Year, but it is the power that brings people closer and spreads love and affection among people. "
Uzbekistan 2017 -
Strengthening Women Fisherfolk Empowerment toward Social Inclusion in Coastal Environment of Malolos, Bulacan, Philippines
Women in the Philippine fisheries are often labeled as “the Invisible Fisherfolk”. Their pre-harvesting contributions are multifaceted, involving bait gathering, net fixing, and meal preparation for their husband while post-harvesting activities include bringing the fish to the shore, sorting, and cleaning of the daily catch. In most cases, women’s participation in fishing communities is neither socially recognized nor economically compensated. The primary goal for the development of women in the fisheries is to empower them, make them productive and self-sufficient. In this way, they can have an equal status as partners in promoting the living conditions of their own families and communities.
South Korea 2020-10-29
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Cheapen Yathyath Nge L’agrow i Bulyel Ni yow ba Gafugow (Yathyath and Two Poor Girls)
This audio is a story of two poor, young girls and a demon by the name of Yathyath that transformed into a rock. This history was told by Fithingmew, Mu’ut, and Bapilung from the Old Age Program in Yap back in the 1970s. There was a family, a couple and their two young daughters, who lived in Alog village, in the middle of the island far from the shoreline. The family was so poor that they always lacked food. When the girls grew old enough to walk far distances, their parents sometimes sent them to gather seashells on the west shore of the island. But their father taught them not to pass through the peninsula by Arngel village, so the girls had to walk a far distance from their home to the shore to collect shells and clams for the family. They never went near the peninsula. However, one evening, when they collected shells and clams across from Kanif shoreline, their torch went out. They looked ahead of them and saw a soft, shimmering light by the peninsula. They thought it was someone’s torch, so they started walking toward the light in the hope of asking for fire to light up their own torch. Soon after, they noticed that it was not fire, but phosphorescent light on a demon’s body. They were so scared that they turned around and ran as fast as they could. Yathyath, the demon, kept chasing them. The younger sister was so scared. She cried out in fear, and the older sister told her to dump some of the shells and clams from their basket to distract the demon. The demon slowed down and started eating the shells and clams, but it soon chased them again. The younger sister cried out again for help. As they got closer to their village, their father heard his little girl crying out and knew that the demon was after them. He quickly filled up the fireplace in the house with big pieces of flint stones and clamshells to heat them up. The girls made it home and were quickly let in by their father. The demon also ran into their house, where the stones and clamshells in the fire were extremely hot. The father fooled the demon, telling it to stand by the door and open its mouth wide so he could throw the two girls in its mouth. The demon did so, wishing for a big meal. Instead, the father slightly opened the fireplace and dumped the hot stones and clamshells into the demon’s mouth. The demon turned away in pain and headed back away from the village. Along its way on wulk’uf savannah, the demon threw up all the flint stones it had swallowed earlier. It fell to the ground and died on wulk’uf savannah, between Alog and Maa’ villages in Weloy municipality. Then the demon transformed into a big, black rock. The black rock and the pieces of flint stones still stand near the wulk’uf savannah.
Micronesia 1970 -
Wari Tolavuvu!(Hurry, Tolavuvu!)
While Track 9 and Track 10 share the same stories in their introductions, they have two different endings. Literally, this track says that the child’s mother has gone to catch fish in the sea, while the child is facing the wall. The baby refuses to have his meal, and the rooster eats up all the food kept for the baby. The grandmother looks after the baby until the mother comes back and attends to the baby again. It is usually sung by an old man to calm the baby down, especially when the baby cries after he wakes up from sleep. The song has a good sense of humor, so the baby laughs in the end.
Fiji 1977
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Memory and ICH in KyrgyzstanKyrgyzstan, a landlocked country the territory of which is more than 94 percent mountainous, is among the most attractive lands located at the heart of Asia on the ancient Silk Road trade routes. The cultural heritage of the Kyrgyz people has been greatly influenced by their nomadic history. Kyrgyz people occupy a unique cultural environment and have a rich ICH. The vitality of this cultural heritage is safeguarded and transmitted from generation to generation as collective memory, orally or through practice and expression.Year2021NationKyrgyzstan
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Traditional Baby Showers in FijiThe arrival of a newborn baby is cause for great joy particularly for a newly wedded couple if it is their first born. In traditional Fijian society, when a married maiden is expecting, her husband and his kin plant uvi (yams) dalo, a rootcrop (Colocasia esculenta) and stock pigs in the pens. The matriarchs from both the man and woman’s side also begin weaving new mats in anticipation for the birth.\n\nPrior to hospitals, traditional midwives known as VUNIKALOU were approached and on hand when labour contractions were expected. These VUNIKALOU had diverse knowledge about herbal medicines to administer to the expecting mother during and after pregnancy.\n\nThere are also elderly matriarchs on hand to administer to the expecting mother’s needs like washing, cooking, tending to the bedroom. The sleeping area is cordoned off with a huge taunamu or wall-length tapa as traditional Fijian houses do not have separate rooms. All the while mother and newborn baby must not emerge from behind this barrier until the end of the fourth night. Males too are forbidden from entering the residence where mother and newborn are until after the fourth day otherwise they will be meted out traditional punishment called ORE by the matriarchs. And young men, the baby’s father and other menfolk intentionally violate the rules as an excuse for them to bear the burdens of the ‘punishment’. This is their indirect way of showing their affection and pride towards the arrival of the newborn baby. They take a day or so to prepare their ‘punishment tokens’ which could be cooked fish, or dalo, fruits, vakalolo (grated starch with sweetened caramelized coconut milk), cigarettes, etc for the matriarchs’ enjoyment serving in the home.\n\nWhen the baby is born, it is the responsibility of the baby’s father’s kin to relay the message traditionally to the baby’s vasu or maternal kin. A whale tooth is presented traditionally to relay the joyful news.\n\nDuring the first four nights of the baby’s birth, kinship from both the mother and father’s side present raw dalo, freshly woven baby mats, oil, brooms, tapa cloth. The dalo presentation is called DREKEBA (stress on –a). The boiled dalo stalk is the primary meal of the new mother for it is believed that it improves lactation.\n\nThe mats are gifts for the matriarchs serving in the household. This occasion is called the ROQOROQO meaning ‘to carry’. When the women arrive (no males are still allowed in but they still do so eager to receive their ‘punishment’), they sing meke and folk songs. The matriarchs serving in the house entertain the roqoroqo parties and there is much joy. The reason behind the loud noise and merry making is said to make the newborn baby begin to understand in his/her spiritual mind and heart that there is a large family waiting for him/her and ready to support in the rearing. This is the actual roqoroqo! There is no actual carrying and kissing of the newborn baby until after the fourth night as it is believed that baby is still spiritually and physically vulnerable to all sorts of bad air and malevolence. On the fourth day, the baby’s paternal kin prepare a feast called VAKATUNUDRA (warming the blood) for the village to enjoy.\nThe serving matriarchs take turns in carrying the baby as the mother recovers. The one on whom the baby’s umbilical cord falls onto is the one who will provide the four night feast. This role is quietly contested as each matriarch is eager to show their affection and home network support.\n\nMuch has changed from the original notion of roqoroqo or baby showers. Today babies are born in hospitals and the ceremonies, pomp and jovial camaraderie between kinsfolk is diminishing. A version of it exists though in the modern version of visitation to a newborn baby’s family with modern gifts for both baby and mother.\n\nphoto 1 : Women from the village visiting new born baby (carried in center) and present traditional gifts to mother (Left) and family.© ITaukei Institute of Language & Culture\nphoto 2 : Men carrying dalo plants for a traditional baby shower in Kumi village, Verata, Tailevu, Fiji © ITaukei Institute of Language & Culture\nphoto 3 : Trimmed green dalo stalks for boiling to enhance mother’s breast milk production.© ITaukei Institute of Language & CultureYear2022NationFiji