ALL
movements
ICH Elements 85
-
Folk games
Games are those forms of individual or team competition, played to a decision according to agreed upon rules. They are voluntary and nonproductive and are played outside everyday reality, in their own territories by their own characters. Uzbek folk games, in terms of features, prevalent in them, are classified as follows: • Hunting games (Gang, Jambil, Lappak, Oshiq, Khappak, Chirgizak) • Shepherds' games (Tuptosh, Kotarma tosh, Echki oyin, Chopon va shoqol, Qadama tayoq, Chillik, Podachi, Chanta, Chuv-chuv, etc.) • Games associated with crafts (Dandarak, Charkhpalak, Besh barmoq, Paqilloq, Lanka, Chighiriq, Uzuk soldi, Varrak, Sartarosh, Koz boghlar, etc.) • Games associated with agriculture (Palakhmon, Jon burgam, Somon sepdi, Chanoq oyin, Shaftoli shaker, Qoriqchi, etc.) • Imitation games (Khola-khola, Topaloq, Kim oladi-yo, Ayiq oyin, Khoroz urushtirish, Oqsoq turna, Bosari, Asalari, Ghozlar, etc.) • Action games (Chunka shuvoq, Chim otish, Kim tex, Hurkach, Tufaloq, Chori chambar, Mushuk-sichqon, Yoghoch oyoq, Durra olish, Khalinchak, etc.) • Word games (Kim chaqqon, Bolkon-bolkon, Botmon-botmon, Juftmi-toq, Oq quyonim alomat, Oq terakmi, kok terak, Pirr etdi, etc.) • Games played during get-togethers (Gap-gashtak, Topik oyin, Podsho-vazir, Podsho-oghri, Arshi alo, etc.) • Folk wrestling and the games associated with it (Milliy kurash, Polvonbozlik, Yelkada kurash, Bel olish kurashi, etc.) • Riders' games (Chavgon, Uloq-kopkari, Piyoda poyga, Oltin qoboq, Shoghuloq, Qiz quvish, Eshak mindi, etc.)
Uzbekistan -
Khaen music of the Lao people
The khaen is a mouth organ in which each tube has a reed. It looks like panpipes, but with bamboo (previously rice stalks or sometimes other plants) tubes of variable length, each with a metal reed. One blows into it through an air chamber called ‘marqunamdtow’. The sound produced is higher or lower depending on the size of the tube. It is a favourite instrument used in Lao traditional and folk music. Its design and number of tubes have evolved according to the changes in Lao folk melodies and songs. Today there are three kinds: the khaen 6 (12 tubes), the khaen 7 (14 tubes) and the most successful one, the khaen 8 (16 tubes). The khaen is very popular in all regions and communities of Laos due to its music’s richness and abundance, which represents the nation's soul for its population. The instrument is suitable for melodies and harmonic richness since it can produce several sounds simultaneously, like a piano. Its music is customarily part of numerous village festivals, accompanying traditional songs and dances. It symbolizes popular culture and it is customary for all villagers who listen to it to become actors rather than spectators, by participating actively and joyfully in the songs and dances it offers.
Lao People's Democratic Republic 2017 -
Flatbread making and sharing culture: Lavash, Katyrma, Jupka, Yufka
The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.
Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016 -
Yeongsanjae
Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity The Yeongsanjae is performed to help all beings and spirits enter into the world of truth, by worshipping and admiring the Buddha, Buddha’s law and monks. It is the highest and biggest ritual utilized by Korean Buddhists to represent the world of Buddha here and now and is based on the philosophy of the Lotus Sutra. It is also a means for meditation and training. The order of a Yeongsanjae performance is as follows: 1. Reception Ritual (siryeon): The purpose here is to receive all the saints and spirits of heaven and earth with the guidance of the Soul-Guiding Bodhisattva so that the ritual can be performed in a holy way. 2. Spirit Reception (daeryeong): The masters of the ritual are the spirits, dead and alive, i.e., all people. Dead spirits are invited to the ritual, while those present at the ritual are told why it is being performed and given the directions they should follow, based on the Buddha’s Law. Families of the deceased dedicate food and liquor as an expression of their love and respect for the dead. 3. Cleansing of the Dirt (gwanyok): This is the ritual to cleanse the three karmas of the spirits that have accepted invitation so as to facilitate the achievement of serenity. 4. Donation of Money (Jojeon Jeoman): “Jojeon” means money that can be used in the nether world, and “jeoman” means to endow money with value. The necessity of money is to awaken us to the fact that our life is maintained by material blessings from the outside. 5. Tea Donation (Sinjung Jakbeop): A tea ceremony is dedicated to all the saintly spirits invited with the hope that the ritual will be performed well. 6. Reception of Buddha (Gwaebul Iun): Sakyamuni Buddha, the master of the ritual and who will preach on the Lotus Sutra, and all the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas are received according to the Law of Buddhism. 7. Dedication of Rice Meal (Sangdan Gwongong): With the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas invited, a rice meal is dedicated. In this ritual, wishes are made that, with the merciful help of the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, all beings will obtain happiness and that the light of truth lit by Buddha will shine over the world of suffering. 8. Sermon (Beopmun): A monk in place of Buddha reconfirms the purpose of the ceremony, presenting concrete ways to realize that purpose. The monk delivers a sermon in which the audience is invited to the door of truth. 9. Meal Ritual (Sikdang Jakbeop): This ritual meal is intended not for the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, but for the monks attending the ceremony. However, symbolically, it is for all beings in this universe, and through this service a foundation is laid for becoming a Buddha. 10. Blessing Ritual (Jungdan Gwongong): All of the saintly beings attending the ritual are asked to help ensure a good performance of the ritual. It also asks for blessings on all those present at the ritual. 11. Meal for the Dead Ritual (Sisik): Since the attendees are fortunate to be listening to the words of Buddha and since all rejoice that the dead have all gone to heaven, a happy rather than sorrowful ritual is performed for the departed to celebrate and congratulate themselves on going to heaven. 12. Farewell Ritual (Bongsong & Sodae Baesong): At the opening of the ritual, all beings were politely received with chants, so likewise, they should be given a proper farewell. The farewell is the final step in affecting the deceased’s final destination. Since Yeongsanjae was designated an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage by the state in 1973, it has been under national protection. In 1987, when the Yeongsanjae Preservation Association was officially established, it started to perform activities to ensure its transmission. The Yeongsanjae has been transmitted by the Taego Order, a Korean Buddhist order. Based at Bongwonsa Temple, the Taego Order maintains the tradition of Buddhist rituals and as such, most of the transmitters are monks of the Taego Order. Currently, Monk Kim In-sik (Buddhist name: Guhae) is the primary Yeongsanjae expert in terms of Buddhist music, following the ranks of Jigwang, Byeokeung, Songam, and Ileung. Assisting Kim are Ma Myeong-chan, Lee Su-gil, Oh Chan-yeong, Lee Byeong-u, Lee Jo-won and Han Hui-ja, who are all trainers in Buddhist music and dance or making the ornamental paper flowers for the ritual. A total of 240 transmitters are leading the Yeongsanjae Preservation Association. Until 2006, Bongwonsa Temple held a Yeongsanjae ritual for the public on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month. In order to encourage more people to participate in the ritual, it is now held on Memorial Day, a national holiday which falls on June 6.
South Korea 2009
ICH Stakeholders 4
-
Buryat Ethnic Group
Yohor, a singing round dance of the Buryat ethnic group in Mongolia, the Buryat Republic of the Russian Federation, and the People’s Republic of China (Shineheen Buryats), is a complex synchronized expression of poetry, melody, and movement. Yohor is performed in the traditional manner with vocal singing and the modern way with playback music. Elders generally opt for the traditional way and have rich repertoire on Yohor songs. They say that the old way of singing is very important in the traditional way of dancing Yohor and that song can also affect the way of dancing.\nthe Yohor dance reflects a cultural uniqueness and a unity of Buryat people in three countries. Separated because of a long history and complicated political situations, Buryat people’s culture, tradition, and language changed. The Buryat language, an official dialect of Mongolian, has already been included in the category of severely endangered languages by the 2010 UNESCO Interactive Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger. With this language loss, the number of elders who know the song narratives and old Yohor song repertoire are decreasing, and this brings the Yohor dance under the risk of disappearance as its complexity of song and movements but also of language. The annual and biennial cultural festivals, such as Altargana, Yohor, Night Yohor, and Global Yohor, show how Buryats have been trying to revive the traditional culture and art for long time. Even though, the collective memory and living experience of Buryat people is under the risk of disappearance due to rapid modernization and globalization with language loss.
Mongolia -
Chau Dance Community
Chau, a form of folk dance, is an energetic and vibrant art form which finds its roots in martial arts. Popularly, there are three types of the Chau dance known among the indigenous people of Chotonagpur Plateau region. While the Seraikella Chau is popular in Jharkhand and Mayurbhanj Chau in Odisha, the Purulia Chau is popular in the western plateau regions of West Bengal. In 2010, Chau dance was inscribed on the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The dance is believed to date back to over a century, though the specifics of its origin cannot be definitely ascertained. The Purulia Chau dance comprises of rhythmic drum beatings, powerful acrobatic movements, and somersaults.\nMs. Mousumi Choudhury, Chau dancer, is the first female chau dancer of Purulia. Her father is a renowned Chau dancer- Ustad Jagannath Choudhury.
India
-
Institute for Sustainable Development Strategy
Institute for Sustainable Development Strategy (ISDS) has been established in 2012. ISDS programs reach out to youth, especially those who live in remote rural areas, and empower young people to become biocultural diversity leaders to create positive change in their communities based on continuous intergenerational exchange.\n\nSince 2012, over 200 initiatives have been supported, of which more than 50% are covered by the revival and preservation of historical and cultural heritage. ISDS’ priority topics are the following: \n(1) Cultural identity, values, and traditional wisdom; \n(2) Well-being and sustainability of local communities; \n(3) Lands, territories, and access to natural resources; \n(4) Agrobiodiversity and food sovereignty.\n\nIn 2020-2021, ISDS participated in the “Visionary Local Communities” study jointly “Taalim Forum” Public Fund supported by the Japanese Center for ICH. The study was based on ICH safeguarding in the remote mountainous regions (Chon-Alai district of Osh province – southern part of Kyrgyzstan where ISDS focused on safeguarding patterned handweaving and establishing a community ethnographic museum). ISDS is an active member of regional and global indigenous movements for the conservation of cultural and natural heritage.
Kyrgyzstan -
World Martial Arts Union(WoMAU)
Encouraged by the substantial development of the Chungju World Martial Arts Festival, twenty-eight martial arts organizations concluded an Agreement to promote exchange and cooperation between martial arts communities beyond the boundaries of border, culture, and race across the world. Based on the Agreement, the World Martial Arts Union(WoMAU) has been established on 2 October 2002 in Chungju, Korea as a nonprofit incorporated association under the permission of the Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs.\nWoMAU has been accredited as an official partner of UNESCO with consultative-status in 2009 and as an advisory NGO to the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2010. As of 2020, it consists of 67 member organizations from 46 countries.\nSharing the recognition that martial arts with unique movements and features of a region is an important part of the cultural heritage of that nation, WoMAU members aim to contribute to the realization of justice and building world peace through martial arts.
South Korea
ICH Materials 326
-
Ulik Mayang
This graceful dance of worship is the most popular in Terengganu. Ulek Mayang was performed as a healing ritual for fishermen who fall ill at sea or while carrying out their daily activities. Some illnesses were believed to be caused by sea spirits and could only be cured by calling upon the spirits of the sea and sending them back to the dark watery depths. In a ritual performance, some of the performers will fall into deep trance. The performance tells the tale of a sea princess who falls in love with a fisherman while he is at sea. The princess steals the fisherman’s soul, causing him to fall into a trance-like state of semi-consciousness. Once they are back on land, the fisherman’s friends ask a bomoh (traditional healer) to restore his semangat (spirit) and bring him back to health. The bomoh conducts a healing ritual for the fisherman using a mayang (coconut palm blossom), kemenyan (benzoin resin) and offerings of coloured rice. He summons the spirit of the sea-princess, who calls upon her five sisters to help seize the object of her desire. A tug-of-war ensues between the bomoh and the six princesses for the soul of the fishermen. Finally, the seventh and eldest princess arrives and sends her sisters back to sea with these words: “I know your origins, let those from the sea return to the sea, let those from the land return to the land.” She thus releases the soul of the fisherman and restores his health. Ulek Mayang is traditionally performed by seven female dancers, each dressed in an elaborate costume with a regal headdress and flowing yellow sash. Three to four male dancers perform the role of the fishermen and bomoh. The graceful gestures of the female dancers are reminiscent of the undulating movements of the sea. The dance is accompanied by a small music ensemble comprising a rebana (frame drum), accordion, and seruling (flute) or serunai (double-reed oboe). The contemporary version of the Ulek Mayang is performed in almost every formal state function and event.
Malaysia -
Ulik Mayang
This graceful dance of worship is the most popular in Terengganu. Ulek Mayang was performed as a healing ritual for fishermen who fall ill at sea or while carrying out their daily activities. Some illnesses were believed to be caused by sea spirits and could only be cured by calling upon the spirits of the sea and sending them back to the dark watery depths. In a ritual performance, some of the performers will fall into deep trance. The performance tells the tale of a sea princess who falls in love with a fisherman while he is at sea. The princess steals the fisherman’s soul, causing him to fall into a trance-like state of semi-consciousness. Once they are back on land, the fisherman’s friends ask a bomoh (traditional healer) to restore his semangat (spirit) and bring him back to health. The bomoh conducts a healing ritual for the fisherman using a mayang (coconut palm blossom), kemenyan (benzoin resin) and offerings of coloured rice. He summons the spirit of the sea-princess, who calls upon her five sisters to help seize the object of her desire. A tug-of-war ensues between the bomoh and the six princesses for the soul of the fishermen. Finally, the seventh and eldest princess arrives and sends her sisters back to sea with these words: “I know your origins, let those from the sea return to the sea, let those from the land return to the land.” She thus releases the soul of the fisherman and restores his health. Ulek Mayang is traditionally performed by seven female dancers, each dressed in an elaborate costume with a regal headdress and flowing yellow sash. Three to four male dancers perform the role of the fishermen and bomoh. The graceful gestures of the female dancers are reminiscent of the undulating movements of the sea. The dance is accompanied by a small music ensemble comprising a rebana (frame drum), accordion, and seruling (flute) or serunai (double-reed oboe). The contemporary version of the Ulek Mayang is performed in almost every formal state function and event.
Malaysia
-
Tholpavakoothu, Shadow Puppetry
Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.
India 2019 -
India - Bharatanatyam Jatis Waram
Jatis Waram is the second sequence in the Bharatanatyam, a dance comprising 7 sequences. Bharatanatyam is the oldest dance in India, originating from a religious dance performed by female dancers (Devadasis) for the gods in Hindu temples. Like majority of Indian traditional dances, it is based on a religious narrative. Although it used to be performed by a single female dancer, it is now common for 2 or more dancers or male dancers to participate in the dance.\n\nBharatanatyam is characterized by its powerful rhythms. Dancers execute complex steps and detailed hand gestures (mudra) while keeping the upper body still and bending the legs or placing the heel down on the floor. The rhythms of the ghungroo (bell instrument worn on the ankles) further elevates the mood. The dancer delivers the message of the dance through highly controlled facial expressions down to the movements of the eyebrows and eyes.\n\nBharatanatyam was an esoteric art form until the 20th century as it was traditionally performed only in temples. Today, it is taught in many schools and organizations, acting as a source of artistic inspiration in all genres of Indian art, from music to songs, poetry, painting and sculpture.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙One of the 8 major traditional dances recognized by the Indian government\n∙Originates from a religious dance performed by Devadasi female dancers in Hindu temples\n\nPerformed by Divya Jay Pitel, Radhika Nemina\nDirected by Parul Shah
India Sep 26, 2011
-
Wadru wadru suluka(Tugging Dried Banana Leaves)
This rhyme focuses on a toddler’s hearing of words and connecting its hand movements, encouraging dexterity.
Fiji 1977 -
Sili sili ra ga sili udeude tiko ra ga(Diving Diving Goes the Duck)
This rhyme talks about the movements of a duck in the water and the onomatopoeic words to describe its movements. It is also used to ease a baby in an uncomfortable situation and make them fall asleep.
Fiji 1977
-
Meke Ni Veimei II (Nursery rhymes II)
In the iTaukei Fijian culture, raising children is everyone’s responsibility. It is therefore everyone’s business to learn, memorize, and recite the chant correctly. Each chant, or make, is unique to the families, clans, and communities. Chants for children often take the form of poems that proclaim the identity of the clan and their origins. For example, a chant composed for children who are from inland of the two main islands in Fiji would be different from those created for children from maritime and coastal tribes. Children’s chants are composed to suit different stages of childhood development and their activities. Vakamoce gone, or bedtime chants, are sung to put children to sleep and would therefore be recited with a soft, soothing monotone. This is an early introduction of language to the subconscious being of a child. \n\nMeanwhile, Vakawele gone are chants sung to draw full attention of a child when they are awake, and, therefore, are performed at fast tempo with a playful tone. Vakaqito gone are chants sung to engage a child in a game. They are participatory in nature and contribute to development of a child’s sensory movements and social skills.
Fiji 2017 -
Meke Ni Veimei I (Nursery rhymes I)
In the iTaukei Fijian culture, raising children is everyone’s responsibility. It is therefore everyone’s business to learn, memorize and recite the chant correctly.\nEach chant, or meke, is unique to the families, clans, and communities. Chants for children often take the form of poems that proclaim the identity of the clan and their origins.\nFor example, a chant composed for children who are from inland of the two main islands in Fiji would be different from those created for children from maritime and coastal tribes.\n\nChildren’s chants are composed to suit different stages of childhood development and their activities. Vakamoce gone, or bedtime chants, are sung to put children to sleep and would therefore be recited with a soft, soothing monotone. This is an early introduction of language to the subconscious being of a child. Meanwhile, Vakawele gone are chants sung to draw full attention of a child when they are awake, and, therefore, are performed at fast tempo with a playful tone. Vakaqito gone are chants sung to engage a child in a game. They are participatory in nature and contribute to development of child’s sensory movements and social skills.
Fiji 2017
-
Mongolian Culture and HeritageThe culture of the Central Asian steppes expresses itself vividly in the lifestyle of traditional nomadic practices. Mongolian culture has been in practice in the nomadic life and the traditions surrounding the nomad’s home (ger). And it is present in religious celebrations, national festivals, art and crafts, music and dance, language and literature, which form the backbone of Mongolian intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. Mongolia is filled with valuable cultural properties and intangible cultural heritage of humanity that have been kept or practiced for thousands of years.\n\nGer, Mongolian Traditional Dwelling\nThe traditional architecture of the Mongols differed strongly from that of the settled peoples of Asia and other continents. Centuries ago, there the ger, also known as a yurt, appeared. It still offers shelter to nomads in particular places in Central Asia. Its development and fundamental principles are determined by the specific features of the way of life of Mongol tribes, which made it necessary to evolve a light and collapsible structure to be used as a dwelling or for public functions.\n\nMongolian Language and Literature\nMongolian is the language of most of the Mongolian population and inner Mongolia. By origin, Mongolian is one of the Altaic family of languages, and the history of the Mongolian language is long and complicated. Significant literary work of early Mongolia includes The Secret History of the Mongols, which was published in 1228).\n\nMongolian Religion and Beliefs\nThe Mongols have practiced several religions, of which Shamanism and Buddhism were the most common. The faith in Mongolia is Buddhism, though the state and religion were separated during the socialist period, but with the transition to the parliamentary republic in the 1990s, there has been a general revival of faiths across the country\n\nMongolian Art and Crafts\nMongolian arts and crafts have been passed down across generations from the Paleolithic times to today, leaving behind deep impressions on all facets of life and conscious, aesthetic, and philosophical thinking. Highly developed Mongolian arts and crafts come from the second millennium BCE. The works included sculptured heads of wild animals with exaggerated features. Other items include knives, daggers, and other items of practical and religious use.\n\nMongolian Music and Dance\nMusic is an integral part of Mongolian culture. Among Mongolia’s unique contributions to the world’s musical culture are the long songs, overtone singing, and morin khuur (the horse-headed fiddle). The music of Mongolia is also rich with varieties related to the various ethnic groups of the country. Among the most popular forms of modern music in Mongolia are Western pop and rock genres and the mass songs written by contemporary authors in the form of folk songs.\n\nHorse Culture of Mongolia\nIt is famously known that horses play a large role in the Mongols’ daily and national lives. Common sayings are, “A Mongol without a horse is like a bird without wings,” and “Mongols are born on horseback” these are arguably true words. Even today, horse-based culture is still practiced by nomadic Mongolians.\n\nVisit https://www.toursmongolia.com/tours for additional information about Mongolian culture.\n\nPhoto 1 : Prairie meadow grass inner Mongolia traditional clothing © Batzaya Choijiljav\nPhoto 2~7 : © Batzaya ChoijiljavYear2020NationMongolia
-
Cultural Heritage in Conflict AreasTo professionals in the sector of cultural heritage and stewards who recognize its significance to us all, tangible objects and intangible traditions both possess more power than many realize. There is a reason why in times of conflict, historic buildings and the rites and rituals related to these tangible elements are targeted as a means of violence: because as a direct line to identity, community, solidarity, belonging, unity, and connection to the past, both tangible and intangible heritage are an easy target for those who seek to obtain control by dismantling those rudimentary building blocks. Extremist groups, political regimes, and global institutions are all well aware that one of the most fundamental ways to injure a people is to separate them from the elements of cultural heritage that otherwise connect us, fill us up, and provide us with a sense of self, place, and purpose—and ultimately make us human.\n\nThe power that cultural heritage holds over entire nations, vastly spread ethnic groups, and displaced people across the globe does increase the vulnerability of the precious manifestations of that heritage—everything from architecture marvels to the surprisingly meaningful trinkets laying around peoples’ houses to the recipes, fairy tales, figures of speech, and traditional melodies passed down from generation to generation. But this strong influence can also be harnessed as a more positive asset, especially in the aftermath of conflict and trauma.\n\nAs communities heal from the wounds carved by violence and destruction in contexts like war, political upheaval, civil unrest, or natural disasters, cultural heritage may be a lifeline to which they can cling. Programs offered by global organizations like ICCROM and grassroots movements alike are mobilizing cultural heritage in the aftermath of destructive conflicts, fashioning it into a tool that will help to re-establish a sense of unity and identity. Honoring traditions by telling stories, revisiting significant locations, cooking recipes, and documenting intangible heritage offers an arena in which current pains can be momentarily soothed by the comfort of familiar customs and the reunification of a community. The education of local history has offered a similar sense of togetherness through the remembrance of a shared past, in which our identities the present day are so deeply rooted. But furthermore, history adds a layer of perspective, accounting for many of the grudges and lingering pains in which modern conflicts are often steeped.\n\nOutside of conflict zones, heritage can continue to pull its weight in the post-conflict recovery process. As refugees navigate displacement in new environments, collections at museums containing heritage objects that hail from their home countries can become touchstones of familiarity and opportunities for intangible heritage to be remembered and maintained. Through both the tangible objects themselves, which may hold particular significance and meaning to the people who come from the same cultural background, and through the elements of intangible heritage, memory, and identity that the items invoke, historical artifacts can be instrumental in establishing new communities and connections among immigrants and refugees.\n\nSeveral museums have recognized their role as meeting places offering programs in which displaced communities are trained as museum guides and deliver tours in their native languages, projects like this enable displaced people to be connected to their heritage while participating in the exchange of diverse cultural experiences within the museum. Although the tangible collections are the base of such initiatives, they also provide a venue for language, memory, culture, and identity to be expressed and kept alive.\n\nBoth on the ground as the dust settles in post-conflict zones and in widespread corners of the globe where displaced persons start new lives, cultural heritage has great potential to serve as a steppingstone as individuals and communities take steps forward in their healing process. In reconnecting individuals to the traditions, memory, community, shared history, and identity that shapes every one of us, heritage is undoubtedly powerful. But beyond this, in its appeal to the part of the human psyche that inherently yearns to belong to something, to know where we have come from, and to feel safely held by the cultures, which serve as a placeless home, some would argue that heritage is essential.\n\nPhoto : Science Photo Library, CC BY NTB scanpixYear2020NationCentral Asia