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ICH Elements 110
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Kushtdepdi rite of singing and dancing
Kushtdepdi rite of singing and dancing is a performing art combining the genres of creative poetizing focused on good feelings and wishes, its singing with vocal improvisation and dancing with movements of hands, gestures and footsteps in accordance with the tune of the song. The element serves as a tool and a medium for conveying good wishes for happiness, mutual respect, solidarity, social cohesion to the wide public and youth. The element is considered as an inseparable part of child birth ceremonies, wedding ceremonies and national celebrations. Its introductory part starts with singing poetic words of best wishes for well-being, happiness and sermon for the youth to keep close ties with elders that is performed by a seated group of respected women dressed in traditional costumes. Its next stage continues with inviting performers to start the rite and then the performance is led by singing of a couple of poetry singers (traditionally a woman and a man) with dances to the accompaniment of songs in a semi-closed or closed circles. Dancing movements start with three steps on right foot and then simultaneously tramping and clapping which are intended to drive maleficence and misfortune away from the future life. The element is performed at the end of events concluding in a positive note as a prayer to the nature for fertility, procreation, solidarity and peace.
Turkmenistan 2017 -
Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet
Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana. Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.
Cambodia 2018 -
Pahlevani and Zoorkhanei rituals
The Ritual of Pahlevani and Zoorkhanei is a collection of rhythmic moving skills, music and dramatic art in a holy place named “Zoorkhane”. In this ritual a group of 10 to 20 men, using tools that symbolically represent the ancient weapons, perform rhythmic and musical, dramatic and ritualistic movements. Zoorkhane, the place for the administration of the Element enjoys a special architecture, a blend of Mithraic temples and Islamic architecture. The major sections of the place include a dome, the arena (Gowd: an octagonal pit, 70cm deep, wherein the rituals are administered and the practitioners stand on specific spots according to age and seniority), the audience seats (overlooking the arena), and “Sardam” wherein the Morshed sits. The Zoorkhane gate is short to encourage bending at the entrance to pay respect toward the holy place. The tools, equipment and sportswear of Zoorkhane are mostly made in the cities of Tehran and Mashhad by skillful craftsmen. In the history of Iran, this Element has been influenced by epical myths and a worldview based on the ancient Iranian ethical trilogy “Good Though, Good Deed, Good Speech”. It roots back to Mithraism in 3000 years ago. This ritual has been and is practiced from the ancient times in most parts of Iran as well as some regions of such neighboring countries as Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Pakistan and India. The element enjoys a masculine nature and its practitioners belong to all social strata. Ethical and chivalrous values are instructed under the supervision of a Pahlavan (""champion"", a master in skills and heroic ethics) within the epical poems recited by a Morshed (""preceptor""), accompanied by music and sport rhythmic movements. “Morshed” is a singer who plays “Zarb”, an Iranian percussion instrument, recites epical and mystical poems, and leads and harmonizes chanson with the music and sport-like dramatic movements. The poems that are recited by the Morshed constitute part of Zoorkhanei literature. In the course of the ritual, dramatic, sport-like, musical and acrobatic movements are performed and, finally, the ceremony is ended with prayers that connote expansion of peace and friendship among nations, and resolving the needy people’s hardships. Golrīzān Ceremony: One of the side programs of the Element is the “Golrīzān” Ceremony that is organized as a homage for pioneers (Pīshkesvat's), champions and preceptors, or for collecting financial contributions for the needy, the sick, or orphans. In this ceremony flowers are put at every corner of Zoorkhane, as a sign for invitation for contribution; the collected contributions are, then, secretly granted to the needy, by a group of trustees. The practitioners in the ritual wear special sportswear, usually, consisting of a pair of trunks - decorated with Arabesque drawings- and a t-shirt. On the clothes and some of the Zoorkhanei tools, motifs of Botee-Jeghghe (an abstraction of a bent cypress symbolizing a humble champion) are observed.
Iran 2010 -
Qālišuyān rituals of Mašhad-e Ardehāl in Kāšān
Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.
Iran 2012
ICH Stakeholders 3
ICH Materials 97
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Terisakkan Spring Festival of Horse Breeders: Ayghyr kosu
Ayghyr kosu is a rite succeeding the milking. Young men lead stallions (ayghyr’s) out and keep them in check until women take milk away with them. Then the bridles are taken off and the stallions join their herds.\n\nTraditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders – taking place in Terisakkan Village – mark the end of the previous and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in traditional knowledge about nature and the age-old relations between man and horse, the rites involve skills inherited from nomadic ancestors, adapted to present-day reality. The rites take around three weeks in total, until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, which take place in every household, are over. The rites open a new yearly cycle of reproduction and manifest traditional Kazakh hospitality. Faced with the forced transition in the twentieth century from a nomadic way of life to a settled one, bearers have adapted the traditional form of horse breeding to meet present-day conditions to ensure its continued viability.
Kazakhstan -
Terisakkan Spring Festival of Horse Breeders: Ayghyr kosu
Ayghyr kosu is a rite succeeding the milking. Young men lead stallions (ayghyr’s) out and keep them in check until women take milk away with them. Then the bridles are taken off and the stallions join their herds.\nKazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’.\n‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking.
Kazakhstan
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Traditional Spring Festivals of Kazakh Horse Breeders
Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.
Kazakhstan 2016-0505 -
Traditional Spring Festivals of Kazakh Horse Breeders
Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.
Kazakhstan 2016-0505
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The epic of Alha
The Alha is an oral epic from the Bundelkhand area in the state of Uttar Pradesh. However, it is popular and performed across much of Northwest India. It is a martial epic, and tells a single story. It’s the story of brothers Alha and Udal, who belong to the Banaphar family, loyal to the ruler Parmal of the Chandel dynasty. The story is told and sung over fifty-two episodes, each called a larai, which means “battle.” Some episodes are about births and weddings, but most culminate in a larai. The underlying theme is that of the Chandels fighting Prithviraj Chauhan, a legendary king of the Chauhan dynasty. Prithviraj Chauhan is a major figure in Indian folklore and there are many medieval epic poems dedicated to him. Most of the Alha larais are about the Chandels defending the kingdom of Mahoba from Prithviraj Chauhan. The Chandels are eventually defeated by Prithviraj Chauhan. However, Prithviraj Chauhan is weakened by the battles, thereby demonstrating how powerful the Chandels are. The Alha is thus not an epic of victorious heroes like many martial epics. The heroes are praisied for their loyalty and valor. The Alha is also an example of a local oral epic that is linked to the great Indian epics. Alha is often referred to as the Mahabharata of the Kaliyug, comparing the Banaphar brothers to the Pandavas. The Alha epic was translated and published as the The lay of Alha: A Saga of Rajput Chivalry as Sung by Minstrels of Northern India. It was partly translated into English ballad meter by William Waterfield in 1923. The singing of the Alha epic is based on the Alha-Khand, a body of episodes that is passed down from generation to generation. Though there are published pamphlets available in current times, most people learn from their gurus in the traditional system of oral transmission. Alha epic poets and singers belong to akharas, and singers perform only the compositions of the poets of their own akharas. The Alha epic is normally sung by a group, with one singer following another. Traditionally, Alha is performed in villages during the monsoon, when there is no work in the fields. Though there are fifty-one episodes, only one larai is performed at a time, which may last one hour or the whole night. It is performed by men for all-male audiences. In recent times, competitions or pratiyogitas have been organized by State departments and other cultural bodies. As these cannot give the same space to each group, the performances are necessarily truncated. This has also led to the use of costumes and props, and sometimes acting out of episodes. This track from the epic of Alha, is an excerpt from the beginning of an episode titled “Kiratsagar Ki Larai.” In this episode, women are carrying wheat shoots in baskets on their heads to the Kiratsagar lake in Mahoba on the full moon of the Indian month of Sawan, when Prithviraj Chauhan attacks Mahoba. The Kiratsagar ki larai is part of the collection of the Alha recorded and collected by Karine Schomer, who is known for her considerable research on the Alha.
India 1983 -
Na sokalou vakavanua kei na lotu vaKarisito(Indigenous iTaukei Spirituality Contrasted with Christian Values and Beliefs)
This was performed by the late Professor Asesela Ravuvu from the University of the South Pacific. Prof. Ravuvu talks about indigenous iTaukei spirituality and its inherent values and contrasts it with Christianity, which was seen as a recent introduction at that time. Both ideologies serve as pillars in their value systems and culture.
Fiji
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Sufi Traditions of North India
CD3_SUFI TRADITIONS OF NORTH INDIA\n\nQawwali is a musical genre that shares general traits with the light classical music of North India and Pakistan but distinguishes itself by its religious function. The term Qawwali applies both to the musical genre and to the occasion of its performance, the devotional assembly of Islamic mysticism - or Sufism - in India and Pakistan. The practice of Qawwali extends throughout Muslim centers of the Indian subcontinent, but its roots are North Indian. Qawwali music is performed by qawwals, professional musicians who perform in groups led by one or two solo singers. Qawwals present mystical poetry in Persian, Hindi, and Urdu, alternating solo and group passages characterized by repetition and improvisation. Handclapping and drumming on the barrel-shaped dholak accompany the singers, and a small portable harmonium played by the lead singer highlights the song’s melody. Amir Khusro Dehlavi of the Chishti order of Sufis is credited with fusing the Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and Indian musical traditions in the late-thirteenth century in India to create Qawwali as it is known today. The word Sama is often still used in Central Asia and Turkey to refer to forms very similar to Qawwali, while in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the formal name used for a session of Qawwali is Mehfil-e-Sama.\n\nQawwali is performed at the dargah, the shrines of Sufi saints, as well as in Sufi mehfils, which are commissioned performances. The structure and order of the songs vary in both these contexts. As will be seen, in many forms of Qawwali, an object of love, such as a god or a husband or wife, is portrayed and worshipped. Qawwali was popularized by Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, a Pakistani performer. And it has started to enter mainstream popular music thanks to the recent public interest in Sufi music. It is thus no longer purely devotional. There are many silsilas (orders) of Sufism and hence many forms of Qawwali. The recordings in this album are mainly of the Chishtiya silsila – the followers of the Sufi Saint Khwaja Moinuddin Chishti. Nizamuddin Auliya, also a Sufi saint, was his follower. The texts were written by Amir Khusrau and contain many references to these saints. This Qawwali party consists of seven or eight members. The group joins as a chorus and claps to add percussion. These recordings were made at Sufi shrines in the late 1970s by Regula Qureshi, one of the most famous scholars of this genre. Since they were recorded in a crowded area on the field, the tracks have disturbances and ambient noise. However, as recordings from an actual authentic context, they carry a lot of value.
India 2016 -
Ca Hue(the Hue Singing) in Central Vietnam
CD7_CA HUẾ (THE HUẾ SINGING) IN CENTRAL VIETNAM\n\nCa Huế (the Huế singing) was a special traditional chamber music in Huế, a central city of Vietnam. Ca Huế originated from royal music. “There was the chamber music, serving the Nguyễn Kings and their mothers”. At first, Ca Huế was the chamber music performed in the palaces of royal families, mandarins, and wealthy people. After that, it spread to common communities. Ca Huế has been gradually influenced by many Huế folk musical types. During its development, Ca Huế affected royal music; for example, ten bản Tàu musical pieces (or it can be called ten bản Ngự or Thập thủ liên hoàn) were played in sacrifice ceremonies or some occasions in the court by royal instrumentalists. Ca Huế is the essence mixture of folk music and royal music, which creates the special nuance satisfying the artistic demand of the elite intellectual class and the common class. As a result, in the past, during happy occasions such as New Year ceremonies, parties for celebrating promotions, or parties for opening new businesses, Ca Huế was organised at the private houses of mandarins, the elite class, and Huế common people.\n\nIn the past, participants of Ca Huế included only the elite class, mandarins, and the people with erudite literary knowledge and with the ability to compose beautiful and profound lyrics. They played instruments together and shared their thoughts through instrumental music and singing. The singing and the instrumental music of one person was the inspiration for the singing and the musical composition of another. Group members were also the audiences. They enjoyed their mutual talents respectfully. In recent years, Ca Huế has been performed on stage to also serve the common people. In this musical type, there is a clear classification between composers, performers, and audiences like professional music. The interactive relation among group members of Ca Huế chamber music can be presently only found in Ca Huế in private houses.
Viet Nam 2015
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Sample Data Ⅰ : Kerala, Rajasthan Cultural Atlas of India - Development of a web-based statewide database on the cultural resources of India
Kathakali (lit. story- play) is a highly sophisticated and stylized semi-classical dance drama prevalent all over Kerala. It evolved amalgamating features from all folk and classical performing art forms of Kerala. \nKathakali as a performing art evolved from Ramanattam. The King of Kottarakkara adapted eight episodes from the Ramayana as Ramanattam. However, in the 17th century, the King of Vettathu Nadu modified Ramanattam to develop a classical dance-drama, the Kathakali.\nKathakali derives its themes from the Indian epics, the Ramayana, the Mahabharata and the Bhagavata Purana. The language used for the songs in Kathakali is a mixture of Malayalam and Sanskrit (manipravalam). For theatric communication, the actor uses dance movements, a codified language of gestures and facial expressions. Kathakali displays great dexterity and potential for the actor to show his histrionic and interpretative skills through resorting to an elaborate method of acting.\nThe performance of Kathakali follows a particular sequence. At dusk, the percussionists play their instruments to announce the event (keli). The traditional lamp is lit in front of the performing area (vilakku veppu). The horizontal drum is played to signal the commencement (arangu keli or suddha manddalam), and singers recite the invocation (sloka). \nTwo performers dance a ritual invocation behind the curtain, salute the deities. \nAnother prayer dance is performed in front of the curtain, followed by the ensemble of the drums (chenda, maddalam, chengila, elathalam). The actual story (katha) begins only after these preliminaries. \nIn Kathakali, the make-up and costume represent different traits of character. The colours are symbolic; green represents satwik (pious and virtuous characters); red patch on a green face to represent rajasi’(valorous characters); and a thadi (beard) is added to represents tamasic (evil traits of a character). Elaborate costumes and intricate face make-up In Kathakali is done to mask the human face and invest it with super-human characteristics. \nKathakali has transformed over the recent years from all-night performances in temples and other sites, to three-hour presentations in contemporary settings. The plays have become abridged to suit the tastes of a new audience.
India 2009 -
Alternative Identities: Masks of ASEAN and Korea Exhibition Catalog
This exhibition catalogue was published by ICHCAP and the KF ASEAN Culture House introducing exhibits unveiled at the “Alternative Identities: Masks of ASEAN and Korea” exhibition.\n\nMasks are representative pieces of a cultural heritage that has evolved throughout human history, transcending time and space. In particular, attention in masks, a human cultural heritage, is also increasing thanks to the November 2022 inclusion of “Talchum, Mask Dance Drama in the Republic of Korea” on UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity and the recent trend that pays attention to the meaning of “avatar” and “second character” in virtual reality. In this context, the diverse mask cultures of ASEAN and Korea offer an opportunity to explore cultural diversity and artistic values stemming from humanity’s universal aspirations.
South Korea 2023
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TRADITIONAL SPRING FESTIVE RITES OF KAZAKH HORSE BREEDERSA triad of spring festive rites—biye baylau, ayghyr kosu, and kymyz murundyk, identified and documented in Terisakkan Village in the northern outskirts of Ulytau District, Central Kazakhstan—is a testimony to nomadic culture surviving up to today. Regarded by its bearers as the most important annual festive event, it starts in early May with first spring warmth, new grass, flowers, and foals, opening a new year-round cycle of life reproduction and a new season of making koumiss, an ancient sacred drink.Year2017NationSouth Korea
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Thanaka: A Traditional Beauty Commodity in MyanmarThe cosmetic value of thanaka is nationally recognized in Myanmar. Extracted from trees, thanaka holds a high level of public trust due to its connection to the traditional life of Burmese people. In the past, thanakha was worn as a natural cosmetic concoction during the period of Myanmar kingdoms. During the monarchy period, lighter and more fragrant thanakha was used for royal families, and it was added with tiny gold powder while commoners used the pollen of flowers named gant gaw (Mesua ferrea). In addition to it being considered a beauty product, thanaka is also used by farmers and sun-exposed workers for sun protection.\n\nSince Myanmar is in a tropical climate zone, thanakha can give cool sensations and heal sunburns. When thanakha is applied on the face, it becomes a moisturizing treatment that primarily soothes the skin. It also has antibacterial properties that help clear the skin of pimples. As a result, thanaka paste is an essential part of our beauty routine. The glorification of thanaka is well-reflected in Myanmar’s idealization of beauty, particularly female beauty. The ideal woman is perceived to have a long hair, wearing Myanmar’s traditional attire, and using thanaka. This idealization is portrayed in media culture of the country, as well as in folk literature.\n\nPeople make thanaka throughout the Myanmar. Following simple traditional procedures, it is taken from thanaka tree (Limonia acidissma Linn). Ten-year-old thanaka trees are downed and made logs about fifteen centimeters long. Thanakha paste is extracted from the bark by grinding it with a bit of water on a stone slab called kyauk pyin, until it becomes a yellow paste. The yellow paste, thanaka, is kept in a small container for daily use.\n\nIn recent times, Myanmar has seen the proliferation of foreign cosmetic brands in the country, specifically in urban areas. Despite this, thanaka is still used by many and promoted by concerned associations, as it represents Myanmar culture. Although people in the countryside faithfully use thanaka, the collective perception of people about it as a cultural component of ideal beauty should not be missed in understanding the intangible heritage of Myanmar.\n\nPhoto 1 : Mother and son with thanakha ⓒ Pisi (U2 Photo Studio) photography\nPhoto 2 : Lady with thanakha at a five-day market in Hsi Hseng , Shan State ⓒ Mg Chit Pan (Taunggyi) photography\nPhoto 3 : Little boy with thanakha applied ⓒ Sai Moon (tgi) photographyYear2018NationMyanmar