In 1995, the Sub-commission on Cultural Communities and Traditional Arts of the National Commission for Culture and the Arts (NCCA) – the lead agency mandated to preserve, promote and develop Philippine culture and the arts – affirmed the need to safeguard traditional knowledge and practices from rapid cultural devaluation brought about by media, tourism, formal education and religion. This paved the way for the creation of The School of Living Traditions (SLT) programme, involving informal, community-managed learning centres where practitioners can transmit their communities’ knowledge, intangible cultural heritage, skills and values to younger generations. The identification of priorities for safeguarding was led by elders, leaders and other members of communities through a series of consultations. In the process, the NCCA provided capacity-building assistance for the mobilization of logistics and other resources needed to establish the learning centres. The SLT programme aims to develop, implement and evaluate community-based measures to safeguard vital traditional cultural knowledge and practices from the potential negative effects of modernization.

Philippines 2021

Traditional knowledge, techniques and process to produce “Washi” -Japanese hand-made paper have been transmitted through generations since the 8th century. It has been used not only for writing letters and making books, but also for home interiors such as paper screens, room dividers and sliding doors. While three communities (The Sekishu-Banshi Craftsmen’s Association, the Association for the Preservation of Hon-minoshi Papermaking and the Hosokawa-shi Craftsmen’s Association) have shared their traditional production process; using Kozo plant (mulberry family) as a raw material, soaking its skins in clear river water, placing loose Kozo fibers in thickened water and filtering them with a bamboo-screen, each community has developed their own techniques such that each Washi has its own specific feature. Following the introduction in the 19th Century of low-cost machine-made paper and the modernization of peoples’ lifestyles and consumption patterns, the production and use of Washi was extensively affected. However, people of the concerned communities considered Washi-making techniques as their important cultural heritage and continued to make Washi to meet both traditional and new consumers’ demands such as modern interiors. Most of the inhabitants of the three communities have been playing some roles in keeping this craftsmanship viable, ranging from the cultivation of Kozo, training of the techniques, creation of new forms of products to promotion of Washi domestically and internationally. Today their lives centre around Washi, acting as a catalyst of their social cohesion, identity and pride affirmation. Furthermore these communities have built strong ties between and among them by exchanging information and experiences with a view to cooperating with each other.

Japan 2014

Historically, Margilan was the centre for making atlas and adras – vivid and fine traditional fabrics. Due to the acute need to revive and safeguard traditions at risk of disappearing, the local community came up with an initiative to launch the Crafts Development Centre (CDC) in 2007. The CDC’s goal is to safeguard, develop and promote the method of Uzbek traditional atlas and adras making through innovative training sessions, exhibitions and craft fairs, traditional textile festivals, and the publication of safeguarding materials and manuals. The CDC also promotes the use of natural materials, and supports the transmission of knowledge and skills about nature and the universe and their role in ensuring people’s health and wellbeing.

Uzbekistan 2017

The predominant form of cultural expression among the Kyrgyz nomads is the narration of epics. The art of the Akyns, the Kyrgyz epic tellers, combines singing, improvisation and musical composition. The epics are performed at religious and private festivities, seasonal ceremonies and national holidays and have survived over the centuries by oral transmission. The value of the Kyrgyz epics lies largely in their dramatic plots and philosophical underpinnings. They represent an oral encyclopedia of Kyrgyz social values, cultural knowledge and history. The pre-eminent Kyrgyz epic is the 1000-year-old Manas trilogy, which is noteworthy not only for its great length (sixteen times longer than Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey), but also for its rich content. Blending fact and legend, the Manas immortalizes important events in Kyrgyz’s history since the ninth century. The Kyrgyzs have also preserved over forty “smaller” epics. While the Manas is a solo narration, these shorter works are generally performed to the accompaniment of the komuz, the three-stringed Kyrgyz lute. Each epic possesses a distinctive theme, melody and narrative style. Akyns were once highly respected figures who toured from region to region and frequently participated in storytelling contests. They were appreciated for their proficiency in narration, expressive gestures, intonation and lively facial expressions, so well suited to the epics’ emotionally charged content.

Kyrgyzstan 2008

It is an indigenous Kazakh performing art that combines theater, music, and puppetry. Some people say orteke is a street theatre, others might claim it is a musical instrument, some would see it as a decorative art, and children perceive it as a toy and use for entertainment. Orteke represents a simultaneous ensemble of music performance on Kazakh traditional two-stringed instrument dombyra and a hopping dance of a wooden puppet. Fixed on a surface of a traditional drum (daulpaz) by a metal rod a flexible wooden figure of teke (a mountain goat) is connected to the fingers of a musician by one or several threads. Flexible head and joints of a puppet are connected to the pulling string. As the musician strikes his/her fingers playing dombyra, the puppet starts hopping in sync with the beat set by an artist. The figure turns alive making amusing dancing movements and tapping a rhythmic beat on a firm skin surface of a drum.Some masters of genre can play with 3 and more puppets at the same time. Sound of dombra, audience public in anticipation, leather surface as flat as the steppe itself, and a small wooden figure of a mountain goat, tied to the puppeteer musician by a single thread, began to beat out the rhythm with its tiny hooves. This action, fascinating with its magical simplicity, is known among the Kazakh people as "Orteke", which is fancied by both children and adults.

Kazakhstan 2022

Mazuism is a form of belief that is centered on the veneration of Mazu, the Chinese seafarer’s goddess. At Lhong 1919 an long-established shrine dedicated to Mazu is testimony of the popularity that this form of belief enjoyed. The shrine houses three Mazu figurines that had been brought to Bangkok by overseas Chinese who came to the city about 167 years ago. This goddess was once only a local deity revered by Fujianese, before she became widely known and worshiped by oversea Chinese communities. The process of paying homage to the goddess is an intangible cultural heritage that represents the blend between Chinese and Thai cultures. The three main figurines of Mazu that form the material anchor of this practice of veneration have been passed down through six generations of Thai-Chinese families and have come to be widely known within Thai-Chinese society. A localization of this form of worship can be seen in the fact that the chanting done in honor of the goddess is nowadays delivered as a Thai Buddhist mantra while the statue arrangement remains the traditional way that goes back to Chinese roots. There are three Mazu figurines, representing the different stages of her manifestation, each protected by further guardian spirits. The first manifestation is symbolized by a girl who healed the sick and ensured safety during sea travel. The second manifestation is the goddess Mazu who brings good fortune to businesses. The last manifestation is as the empress in heaven, full of kindness and compassion.

Kyrgyz people’s cultural heritage is intrinsically linked to the nomadic lifestyle. However, during the Soviet era, which came with forced sedentation, many elements became endangered, including traditional games. After gaining independence in 1991, the local communities in Kyrgyzstan started working on revitalizing and celebrating their traditional culture. In this context, traditional game practitioners and knowledge bearers from different communities across the country held their first major meeting in 2007 to discuss current challenges for the traditional games and the safeguarding needs. The participants identified many challenges but agreed that some of them were very urgent: the first being the loss of knowledge about the traditional games and the second being the lack of interest among the younger generation to play the games. After long discussions and deliberations, the participants identified several safeguarding needs that shaped the Nomad Games: Rediscovering Heritage programme. The traditional game practitioners reached a consensus about the need to prioritize documentation and identification of traditional games in different parts of the country. These goals were prioritized because many people knowledgeable about traditional games were older and there was a real threat of losing their knowledge about traditional games unless it was documented.

Kyrgyzstan 2021

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

The art of the ‘tokmo akyns’ is specific type of the Kyrgyz singing art. Unlike performers of other genres, ‘tokmo akyns’ must possess, first of all, a unique poetic talent and improvisation skills. Akyn singing is characterized by improvisation, folksy development of musical and poetic sentiments, intonation and rhythmic freedom and recitative manner of a performance. Simultaneous playing on komuz during performances of ‘tokmo akyns’ very often reproduces and interludes the akyn’s voice. Instrumental ritornello on komuz sounds at the beginning, between couplets, and at the end of a song. Because of the poetic talent and improvisation skills, tokmo akyns enjoy special status among the Kyrgyz people.

The term Si has dual connotation of referring to the Calligraphy pen as well as to the specific bamboo from which pen is crafted. According to Lopen (master) Wangdi Gyeltshen, a renown calligrapher of Central Monastic Body said that, there is also another reed locally called Tshi-nag (a reed with dark colour at its internode) which is available from Wangdi-tse monastery area in Thimphu. Actually, there is no specific origin of the Si as it came to exist simultaneously with the writing culture in Bhutan. Colloquially, all pens used for writing purposes are called as Myu-gu, which the name derived from its raw material Myug-ma (bamboo or reed). That is why any pen used for writing available in the market today, irrespective of what it is made of are commonly called Myu-gu (literally means reed pen). As there are different types of My-gu, thus, apart from the aforementioned Si, the pens are made from a wild fern called Kyer-ma is called Kyer-myug, and the ones made of quill is dro-myug, the nib made from metal is chag-myug. Similarly, sol-myug made from dead amber or charcoal, a talc stone is cut like a pencil for use -do-myug, the chalk comes in packets and used for educational purposes in schools is sa-myug. There are also pir-myug (brush pen) and lastly, the zha-myug, the lead pencil. Regarding the raw material; in Bhutan, Si is traditionally found at Chagdana in Toepai Gewog (Block) in Punakha, and near the Nag-tshang (Manor) at Drametse. It is also found in Kheng region of Zhemgang and at the Yarphel village of Trashi Yangtse district. Si is highly valued as being blessed by superior beings like Lord Manju Shri, Guru Rinpoche, the five classes of dakinis and the Dharma Lord Drukpa Kunleg (4155-1529). Si grows as big as normal bamboo, with short culm or internode, narrow lacuna and thick culm wall. They grow in heights of more than five arm-span. Both the plant and its leaves are generally yellowish. In ancient times, a writing pen was mainly a painting brush in China and in India it was made from the quill (moulted flight feather) of a peacock or other large bird. It is explained that the pen used traditionally in Tibet and Bhutan was made from the plant species called Si, which has thick nodes and grows mainly at lower altitudes. It is obvious that, if writing tradition is gradually disappearing, both the art of making Si as well as its usage is an inevitable element to be gone together. Due to the booming computing technologies and automatic printing machines, the writing along with Si related practices are being gradually driven out of its existence however, realizing its importance and for its revival, His Majesty’s Golden Scriptures Project and other similar projects being initiated by some individual Spiritual masters had help in revitalization of such tradition as well as involving calligrapher to carry on the writing and Si making culture amidst the emerging sophisticated technologies.