Inscribed in 2013 (8.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As the temperature falls in late autumn, the topic of choice for most Koreans is kimjang, making a large quantity of kimchi to sustain them through the country’s long and harsh winter. Kimchi, a categorical name for Korean-style preserved vegetables seasoned with local spices and fermented seafood, was recorded as part of Korean diet as early as 760 years ago. Kimchi has been an essential part of Korean meal across class and regional differences. The most humble meal consists of cooked rice and kimchi, but even the most luxurious banquet is not complete without kimchi. Kimjang incorporates Koreans' understanding of their natural environment, and closely reflects their regional ecosystems. Over time, Koreans have developed methods that best fit their specific natural conditions. Kimjang is thus deeply rooted in the natural milieu of Korean habitats. Preparation for kimjang follows a yearly seasonal cycle. In spring, households secure shrimp, anchovy, and other seafood for salting and fermenting. In summer, they purchase sea salt to be stored for up to two or three years, to let the bitter taste of brine out. In late summer, red chili peppers are dried and ground into powder. In late autumn housewives carefully monitor weather forecasts to determine the optimal date for kimjang: it is important to choose the right temperature for the kimchi to acquire the best taste through storing it in cool and stable conditions. In the custom of exchanging kimchi among households after kimjang, innovative skills and creative ideas are shared and accumulated.

South Korea 2013

The title ‘Traditional Ainu Dance’ is defined as dances and songs transmitted among the Ainu people of distinctive cultures in Hokkaido located in the northern area of Japan. Those dances and songs are derived from the life and religion of the Ainu people; some are performed at ceremonies and banquets in local communities, and others privately performed in daily lives. Neither of them is accompanied with musical instruments. They are performed along with songs and handclaps of dancers and participants on site. The Ainu people used to live in a vast area including Hokkaido, the northern part of Honshu, the Kuril Islands and Sakhalin. Currently, however, most of them live mainly in Hokkaido, and its population is estimated at approximately twenty-four thousand. The Traditional Ainu Dance is transmitted by the seventeen preserving associations established in fifteen cities and towns where the Ainu people live. Allegedly the Ainu culture of today’s style was formed up approximately in the twelfth or thirteenth century. People at that time lived by fishing, hunting and gathering, and they also traded with other areas. In this way of life, the Ainu people have developed such a creed as they believe in deities which are omnipresent at anything related to their lives, namely the nature (the sun, rain, water, fire etc.) including animals and plants. Thus, they often conducted prayers and ceremonies in their daily life. The Traditional Ainu Dance can be performed at these prayers and ceremonies or banquets. ‘Iyomante,’ for example, is the biggest ceremony with the Traditional Ainu Dance for sending a deity disguised as a bear back to heaven. The Ainu people believe that a deity comes down to the human world in disguise of an animal or a plant which is a gift from the deity to be eaten by the human beings. Once people have physically eaten it up, they thank the remaining spirit of this invisible deity for its gift and hold a ceremony to send it back to heaven. During the ceremony people sing and dance. One of the features found in the Ainu performing arts is the imitation of calls and movements of animals and birds. During the ceremony of ‘Iyomante’ people repeatedly imitate calls and sounds accompanied with its movements of a bear, and words are inserted in such repetitions. On the other hand, performing arts which are privately performed in an Ainu daily life contain lullabies, improvisatory lyrical songs, incantations with melodies, and songs accompanied with movements of labours by several persons in a daily life. As mentioned above, the Traditional Ainu Dance is performed at important ceremonies and banquets to the Ainu people and also in their daily life, through which the Ainu people reconfirm the identity and deepen a sense of continuity. Currently, in addition to such ceremonies as mentioned above, the Traditional Ainu Dance is demonstrated at newly projected festivals and events. It is one element of the intangible cultural heritage transmitted from generations to generations and is continuously developed and reproduced according to the situations of each era. The traditional style of the Ainu dances is a big circle of many participants, proceeding right-handed with some fixed movements and singing together. They sing the same song together or in turns, otherwise they sing in a responding way between a chorus leader and the others. Some of those traditional songs are polyphonic; several women sit on a floor in a circle in surrounding a lid of a wooden container, make a rhythm in beating the lid, and sing the same melody with one sound successively delayed. Because there are currently many opportunities to perform it apart from a daily life, some dances and songs have been formed up as independent repertoires in paying due attention to the traditional performing style. As overviewed, they are (i) the imitation of calls and movements of animal, namely ‘crane dance’, ‘fox dance’ and ‘swallow dance’: (ii) the imitation of insects, namely ‘grasshopper dance’: (iii) the ritual one, namely ‘sword dance’ and ‘bow dance’: (iv) the entertaining one: (v) the improvisatory one. Thus, the Traditional Ainu Dance is simple and naive, and often retains the primordial quality inside. In this sense it can illustrate the origin of performing arts.

Japan 2009

“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.

Japan 2009

With the abacus as a tool, mathematical algorithms as a theoretical facility, Chinese Zhusuan is figure-based knowledge and practices through moving beads on an abacus according to the defined formulas. The abacus is made of bamboo or wood in the shape of a rectangle, divided horizontally into two decks with a string of five beads (one in the upper deck and four in the lower) or a string of seven beads (two in the upper deck and five in the lower). Each bead in the upper deck has a value of 5 while each in the lower has a value of 1. Atypical abacus has 13 to 19 rods connecting the beads. Zhusuan practitioners can perform mathematical calculations including addition, subtraction, multiplication, division, exponential multiplication, root, equations of higher degree, thus demonstrating the wonderful wisdom and creativity of the Chinese people. This time-honoured tradition has played a vital role in giving impetus to mathematical studies, promoting algorithmic practices, and nourishing intelligence. Zhusuan oral formulas have easy-to-learn rhymes that represent the specific calculation rules and summarize the arithmetic operations. Beginners can make quick calculations after moderate trainings, while proficient practitioners usually develop an agile mind. Through oral teaching and bodily practice, Chinese has maintained and transmitted Zhusuan for generations. With a scientific theoretical system and a simple operation method, Zhusuan has long been popular in various aspects of Chinese living and production. As an important legacy of mathematics and cultural tradition, Zhusuan has become a national symbol of cultural identity.

China 2013

Quan họ is a form of alternate singing between males and females, once only popular in 49 villages of the ancient Kinh Bắc region, presently in Bắc Ninh and Bắc Giang provinces. The singing tradition is an intergral part of tục kết chạ (friendship custom) between villages, tục kết bạn (friend-making custom) between groups of singers, as well as tục ngủ bọn (sleepover custom). During these twining occasions, groups of quan họ singers from two villages sing throughout day and night. Quan họ songs are sung in harmony as alternating verses by two females (liền chị) from one village, and two males (liền anh) from the twined village sing with similar melodies and responding lyrics. The twining relationship allows singers maintain as artistic and intimate friendship, marriage is not allowed. Quan họ singing has three main types: hát canh (the singing at a host’s house), hát thi lấy giải (singing for prizes), and hát hội (singing at festivals). Lim Festival, taking place on the 13th of the First Lunar month every year, is the most significant event to celebrate and commemorate the founding father of this singing tradition. Music accompaniment was introduced into quan họ singing several decades ago, giving ways to new forms of performance, such as on stage and in celebrations such as wedding, anniversaries and ceremonies.

Viet Nam 2009

The Watertight-Bulkhead Technology of Chinese Junks is an age-old craft for the construction of ocean-going vessels with watertight compartments in South China’s Fujian Province. The vessels are made mainly of camphor, pine and fir timber, and assembled through use of traditional carpenters’ tools. They are built by applying the key technologies of rabbet-jointing planks together and caulking the seams between the planks with ramie, lime and tung oil. A master craftsman designs and directs the whole process. A large number of craftsmen work in close coordination to build solidly rabbeted ocean-going vessels consisting of multiple independently watertight cabins. The core technology for building such vessels is called The Watertight-Bulkhead Technology of Chinese Junks. Watertight bulkheads are the most important step in building Chinese junks. To start with, the craftsmen build an integral hull by joining the vessel’s bilge and sides. The hull is then divided into cabins according to the function and size of the ship. The whole process is manual. Planks are rabbet-jointed together. And then interlocked to the bilge and on to frames or held with crampons. Ramie fibber, lime and tung oil are mixed in the proper proportion to wedge into any gaps between planks and make the cabins waterproof. The tools are largely those used by traditional Chinese carpenters, such as axes, carpenter’s ink markers, hand drills, rulers, maces, pit saws, chisels and planers. Chinese junks are subdivided into multiple watertight cabins. If in the course of navigation one or two cabins are accidentally damaged, seawater will not flood other cabins. The vessel will not sink, but remain afloat. This greatly improves navigation safety. This technology has been widely used over the centuries in fishing vessels, cargo ships, warships, and diplomatic vessels. In particular, Fujian’s ocean-going cargo ships sailing along the Maritime Silk Road during the Song and Yuan dynasties, and the fleets commanded by Ming Dynasty navigator Zheng He in his seven voyages to the West, fully adopted this technology. The technology has served as a bridge and unifier in the exchange between Eastern and Western civilizations. In the late 18th century this technology was finally adopted in the West. Since then Watertight bulkheads have become an important structural element in modern ship design, remain so today and have greatly enhanced navigation safety.

China 2010

Chapei Dang Veng (hereafter Chapei) is a popular musical tradition found in Cambodian society. The singing of Chapei is accompanied by a long necked lute Chapei from which the tradition takes its name. Chapei is closely interwoven with the life, traditional customs and beliefs of the Cambodian people. The instrument itself is used in two eminent ancient ensembles,'Pleng Araek' (Spirit Music) and 'Pleng Kar Boran' (Traditional Wedding Music) both of which are endangered forms themselves. Chapei performers are generally male, although there are no restrictions regarding gender or social class. Chapei players are not only musically adept, but also witty, intelligent, and quick to adapt and improvise. They should be well-versed in language, literature, and poetry, and a good story teller. From 1975 to 1979, the Khmer Rouge regime systematically annihilated and destroyed any form of intellectual activity including traditional arts. As a result many traditions such as Chapei disappeared from the scene together with the people performing them. Only two grand masters of Chapei survived this gruesome period and together with some other masters and their students are trying to revive the art form today.

Cambodia 2016

Traditional handcrafted textile rich in intangible cultural values, passed down for generations in Java and elsewhere since early 19th Century (Ref. Siksakanda, 1517AD), more widely since mid-1980s. all the steps in the making of batik are carried out by hand. The tools used to make batik are also made by hand. Firstly, the cloth must be washed, soaked and beaten with a large mallet. A pattern is drawn and dots and lines of hot wax are then applied to one or both sides of the cloth using a pen-like instrument called canthing tulis (direngsi/ngrengrengi). Alternatively there is the process of applying the hot wax to the cloth using stamps called canthing cap made of copper. The wax functions as a dye-resist. After this, the cloth is dipped in a dye bath containing the first colour. After the cloth is dry, the wax is removed by scraping or boiling the cloth (dilorod). This process is repeated as many times as the number of colours desired. For larger cloth, the wax is applied using a tool called tonyok (nemboki/mopoki). The details of the process vary between different areas. Batik patterns and motifs possess deep symbolism related to social status, local community, nature, history and cultural heritage. Expectant mothers wear batik; babies are carried in batik slings and touch batik with their feet when they first touch the ground; brides, marriage couples and family members wear batik; even corpses are covered with batik: all with appropriate patterns and motifs. Traditional dress includes batik, Batiks are collected and passed down as family heirlooms, each being a work of art with its own story. Batik craftspersons would fast and pray before making batik while meditating accompanied by traditional songs. It takes several days to make a hand-stamped batik, and at least 1 month to 1 year to complete a hand-drawn batik.

Indonesia 2009

The Ceremonial Drums is a musical instrument and a sacred object in the cultural life of the Mong people in Lao Cai and is only used when someone dies - to send off the soul of the deceased. People call this drum a Ceremonial Drums or a ghost drum. The Mong people in Muong Khuong explain the origin of the drum through ancient stories such as: The drum saved the lives of two Mong brothers in the great flood, or the legend of the Drum and the Khen girl. Ceremonial Drums are made by the people themselves for the purpose of serving the religious needs of the family and the community, not for sale or exchange. Each family in the village has the obligation to contribute money to buy materials to make the drum. The "care and maintenance" of the Ceremonial Drums is mainly carried out in the form of father to son. The Drums owner must perform a worship ceremony before carrying the drum home, then worship the drum on the first day of the month, along with the occasion of worshiping ancestors. When lending a drum for a funeral, all the borrowing and lending rituals must be followed: regulations for the borrower, returner, pouring wine, presentation, the drum owner talking to the drum before handing it over... The Drums was born and exists in close association with the Khèn Mông. The Khèn is the instrument of life, of love, and the drum is the instrument of death. The Drums and Khèn pair are indispensable in funeral music. For the Mong people, the sound of the drum is chosen as the music of the underworld. The elderly choose the drum to be used in their funeral. The Drums has become a sacred object, helping to send the soul of the deceased back to their ancestors. The Drums in the Mong people's rituals is closely associated with folk beliefs, carrying many historical and musical values, reflecting the relationship between the living and the dead. The Ceremonial Drums of the Mong people is still closely associated with their lives and beliefs.

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009