The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

In earlier times, Bhutanese traveled as far south as possible to buy salt, spices, and other basic products in the nearest border towns. Pasakha (formerly the southern gateway) was an important business center for the people of western Bhutan because of its proximity to the nearest Indian towns. After an arduous journey of more than 20 days through the high mountains and after nights spent in the cold, dense jungle, the villagers then reached their home, bringing their daily supplies. A young man from the village of Bja-wo once set out for Pasakha to buy supplies. Upon his return, as he prepared to spend the night in the forest, he lay down under a large tree, placed the heavy basket under his head to rest, and stared up at the sky. He saw the bright moon almost smiling at him and the stars twinkling around him. He thought about the number of nights he would have to spend like this, and wondered if the stars and moon would keep him company during his journey home. He continued his journey home during the day, spending each exhausting night under bushes and trees. Each evening he looked up at the sky and noticed that the brightest star seemed to get closer and closer to the moon each night. When he returned home a few days later, the young man, suspecting an interesting observation in the sky, wanted to know how close the star had come to the moon. The following night, he looked up at the sky and found that the star had come so close to the moon that it almost looked like it was interacting with the moon (this was the narrator's exact interpretation). It was a unique discovery that symbolized a happy moment. Incidentally, the day he made this discovery was the 15th of the 10th month, one of the most auspicious holy days in the Bhutanese lunar calendar. Therefore, the festival of Bja-wo Karma Nya-ru (conjunction of the Pleiades and the full moon) is believed to have originated in Bja-wo village and is still celebrated with great enthusiasm. Nowadays, it is also popularly known as Dogar Nya-ru. Nya-ru is celebrated on the 15th day of the 10th month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar and is considered a special occasion where family and friends scattered all over Bhutan gather on this day and celebrate the auspicious day in each and every home with festivity and joy. On the 13th and 14th day of the 10th month, people who work in the cities, students, businessmen, relatives and basically all people who are from the village gather to celebrate Nya-ru. In this village of Nyo-yue dhuen (old name) or Khamda Sali Chiwog (sub-block) as it is commonly known today, people prepare for the big event by washing their clothes, cleaning themselves, tidying their houses and the men discuss archery that will take place during Nya-ru while the women prepare the menu for the special day in the house and make preparations for Ara (locally brewed wine) and other drinks.

Part of the Bon tradition that still exists in Bhutan is the practice of shamanism. Shamans are sought out in times of illness, misfortune, or for divination. The practice of shamanism is common in almost all regions and is referred to differently in each region. It is also distinguished by ethnic groups, which can be divided into three major regions. Shamanism in Bhutan, as in other parts of the world, is deeply rooted in religion and involves supernatural powers. Since the practice of shamanism is based on religion, the religious origin and affiliation of the practice of shamanism in western and eastern Bhutan is Buddhism, while in the south it is Hinduism. There are two types of Bon practices: Bonkar and Bon nag. While Bonkar does not require animal sacrifice, Bon nag requires blood and animal sacrifice. Bon nag is virtually non-existent in Bhutan now that Buddhism is widely practiced. Popular shamanistic practices in the east include Pawo (male medium), Pamo (female medium), and Jab (Possessor or a deity). Nel-jorm (term for Pawo and Pamo in the West), Terda (male medium), and Jomo (jab of the East) are practiced primarily in the West. In the south, Jak-ri/Dha-mi is practiced, which is further divided into four categories: Ban-jhak-ri (abduction by a wild shaman), Naag-mata (female shaman), Ghalley-pawo (practiced by the Ghalley caste), and Rai-pawo (practiced by the Rai caste). Pawo Tashi Penjor (60) from the Shaba Gewog (block) under Paro Dzongkhag (district) has been a shaman for almost 21 years and is a well-known figure in the Gewog. His services are also sought by people from other Dzongkhags. During the Thangka Bonko, the Pawo asks the deity for help for the welfare of the community and for peace and prosperity. A shaman does not become a shaman by choice or interest. It is not necessarily hereditary. It depends on the choice of the deity or god. Before a person is identified as a shaman, he or she falls seriously ill and is confirmed by a divination from a lamb. After that, the person dedicates himself to a Yidam (protective deity) who is able to guide the person to a good Pawo. Pawo Tashi Penjor also became a shaman at the age of thirty and continues to assist the community with psychological and healing tasks. According to him, people continue to seek the help of shamans while seeking the assistance of technology and science. The amount people offer him does not deter him, whether it is small or large, because he only wants to help people. People seek the help of a shaman in times of illness, misfortune, or accidents that are beyond the control of medicine or other forms of intervention. A shaman acts as a medium between the people and the spirits or gods. He invokes the god or spirit, finds the causes of the illness and misfortune, and makes predictions about the actions or solutions. On such occasions, shamans are either invited to their homes, or they are performed only at the shaman's place. It is also performed during local village festivals or events such as Bon-kor, when the intervention of the Pawo or Nel-jorm is required. In such cases, the shamans help the village or community by predicting unforeseen mishaps or epidemics and suggesting appropriate solutions. On such occasions, shamanism is performed in a common place, either in a village Lhakhang (temple) or in a designated open space where local festivals are held.

The Lepcha community under Samtse Dzongkhag (district), especially the Limithang Chiwog (sub-block) under Samtse Gewog (block), conducts the indigenous festival “Ram Faat” annually. All the Lepcha in this community are Buddhist. It is a community festival where even the Lepchas as far as Paa Chu, Phuntsholing under Chukha Dzongkhag come to observe Ram Faat in Limithang chiwog. It is a five-day festival worshipping the God of earth for protection of their society and country from misery. During this festival, they propitiate the deities seeking protection from natural calamities such as earthquake, flood, landslides and well-being of all sentient beings. There is a strong belief that that their tutelary deity resides in one of the giant mountains where they locally call it as Zay Nga facing North east of their community Lhakhang (temple). Annually, Ram Faat is held for five days from 10th to 14th days of the 12th month of the lunar calendar. This is one of the Lepcha’s most intriguing festivals that the Lepcha community in the locality observe. It is unknown when the Ram Faat was initially introduced but it is conducted in one storied Community Lhakhang, Limithang Chiwog which is three hours drive on a rough feeder road from Samtse Dzongkhag. While the actual date of the establishment of the temple is not known, the head lama said that the Lhakhang used to be there during their fore fathers’ time indicating that the temple used to be there from 16th century. There was no evidence how the Lhakhang looked like before. It has only been five years now that the Lhakhang, with the help of the government support, has been face lifted with the concrete walls and aluminum corrugated sheets. The majestic Guru Rinpoche statue is the primary image in the main shrine room and also require two Choep/chogap (ritual performers) along with the head lama of the community Lhakhang. However, certain parts of the element seemed to have been lost. For example, when asked about the performance of the mask dance during the festival, the Lama (narrator) said that the practice of performing the mask dance during this festival had declined with the loss of the equipment (mask and dress) due to insects and pests. Today, no one in the community knows what kind of mask dances were performed during this festival. The Lama (also the narrator) seems to be frail and old, but he assured that he has two trained disciples in the community who will maintain the continuity of this festival even after his death.

The 600-year-old Serlung Pelkar Chhoeling Monastery in Dawakha, Paro was founded by Drupthop Thangthong Gyalpo (1361-1485) when he built iron bridges for the people in this area. In the meantime, the people living in a place high up on the mountain had to deal with strong winds and storms that caused harm to the people and destroyed crops. The people blamed the infamous lakes in the area. There were two lakes, Yum and Syem (Mother and Daughter), which were believed to be the cause of all the destruction inflicted on the people. In Bhutan, the Bhutanese believe that all living things, including nature, have spirits and are alive within them. For example, the mountains in Bhutan are believed to be the abode of mountain gods, or at least to house spirits. Therefore, people decided to drive away the destructive spirits of the lakes by throwing the dead bodies of people and animals into the lake. The mother lake left its present location for the Dagala region and became known as Dagala Yumtsho, while the daughter lake did not make it further than present-day Selung Goemba. She had problems with her leg. You can still see the remains of the lakes where they rested. The mother advised the daughter to stay in this place and serve as the protector of the Dharma of Drupthop Thangtong Gyalpo in Selung Goemba, and left her her revered Sergi Alung (hook), making the place known as Serlung Goemba. The people of this place considered it auspicious that a lake had formed near a monastery founded by the famous Drupthop Thangtong Gyalpo. The villagers believed that the lake would eliminate famine and bring prosperity to the village, and held a festive sacrifice to ask the spirit of the lake to bless them with protection. The ritual takes place in Selung Goemba once every three years. There is no specific day or month set for its performance, but depends mainly on the availability of the Pawo. The Goemba is a common religious place of worship for the people of Khamdi and Sali and some other neighboring villages.

Agriculture is the practice of cultivating plants and livestock and over centuries, rise in agricultural has contributed in the growth civilization. Early people have developed and improved varieties of plants and till date the practice is considered to be the important aspect of Bhutanese livelihood. It is one of the sources of income as over69% of the population here, directly depends on it for their livelihood (MoAF, 2011). In 2011, agriculture sector accounted for about 17.7% of the total GDP of the country (RNR Statistics, 2012) Asham (Maize) plays a critical role in the entire life of given economy and is a pre-dominant cereal crop for the eastern part of the Bhutan for many years contributing to more than half of total maize production in the country. Asham cultivation was one of the main cereal as well as cash crops that supported and supports lively hood for major households in the part of the country. To these days, the practice and culture of maize cultivation is one of the main live hood and sources of income. Most communities in the eastern part of the country depend on cultivation of Asham to produce following products: •\tKharang- grits, grind maize used as staple food •\tAsham me-gogni- roasted corn •\tAsham bokpi- corn flour •\tTengma- roasted and pounded maize •\tAsham mu-nang- a local term for popcorn •\tZhu- brewed alcohol Apart from above products, asham is also used as cereals for bartering during the olden days to exchange with wooden and bamboo products produced from other parts of the Dzongkhags. Moreover people also used to exchange with rice, chili, meat and dairy products within or outside the community. People used to offer asham, kharang and bokpi to monks and gomchen(great meditation masters) as they visit begging for cash and kind. Asham and its product were also used during the religious rituals at households. Crafting of Torma (Sacrificial ritual cakes) and Sur (Smoke offering) during the rituals were done by using corn flour. There has been lots of transformation in the culture, practice and process in cultivation maize in the region due to introduction of hybrid seeds, improve in tools and technologies used compared to old and traditional ways of cultivation.

Lha-soel (Lha means local deity and soel means offerings) is the ritual performed annually seeking assistance and blessing from the local deities with the offering and recitation of religious scriptures. Unlike rituals in other places in western Bhutan depending on the need and purposes, the people of Bem si-si, under Toebesa Gewog (block) perform this Lha-soel annually mostly towards the end of the year beginning from October till December month with the presence of the entire family members. As far as history is concerned there is no exact date of origin of this ritual. However, the village households herein perform Lha-soel that is passed down from the forefathers. This ritual originated from the Bonism commonly known as Nak-choe (ritual requiring animal sacrifices) wherein animals such as pigs and oxen were slaughtered for the offering. However, on later dates as per respondents, with blessing and order from the 70th Je-Khenpo (Chief Abbot) Trulku Jigme Chhoeda (1955- ) to avoid killing animals for the purpose of the rituals. The locals in Bem si-si started to offer butter, cheese, and fruits unlike before who used to offer meat, lungs, and blood along with the ritual cakes. Oral traditions say that Lha-soel is considered the most festive occasion of an individual household to gather all the family members who are now in challenge due to expenditures and lack of manpower. However, people in villages believe that these ritual practices are embedded in the lifestyles and traditions for ensuring prosperity, wealth, and long life besides the adoption of it as a medium for the higher Buddhist spiritual message, thus, individual households never fail to perform despite the challenges. The challenges the Lha-soel undergo is accrued that the too many of the present generations are engaged in the schools, colleges, and universities and gives priority to the curriculum in schools that lacks the knowledge of this very ritual in particular. Therefore, the children, unlike in the past who resided in villages, knew and easily inherited the cultural and traditional legacies of their time which decline today. Even though the majority of the younger population resides in the urban areas, therefore, only the older people are left in the villages observing rituals on behalf of all the family members.

The practice of Bon traditions was widespread in Bhutan long before the arrival of Buddhism, and it retains influence in Tshapey village. Previously people practiced animal sacrifice and had faith in nature. With the advent of Buddhism in the country, many elements of Bon dissipated even as Bon rituals continued. Taking on a fusion of Buddhism and aspects of Bon, this became known as Bo-kar, white Bon. This especially allowed Bon rituals to be performed without sacrificing human lives. Den-zha, a local festival in the village of Tshapey, is one of many such Bo-kar practices. This festival is about appeasing Ke-lha the deity of birth, or the local deity known as Nyep Dangnap, who is commonly worshipped as the protector of the Tshapey community. The deity's dark appearance is said to have given her the name Dang-nap, which is further exemplified by the deity's black mask that can be seen in the Lhakhang, temple, today. The Lhakhang, locally known as Haa Goenpa, or monastery. It is believed that the Goenpa was built on the spot where a dove miraculously landed. The dove is considered to be the Nob Denshap, heart emanation, of the Jowo image of Buddha Shakyamuni of Lhasa, Tibet. It is located about seven kilometers from the road. The most important Nangten, or relic, at the Lhakhang is a large statue of the Jowo Shakyamuni. It is said that any wishes or prayers made before the Jowo will come true. In earlier times, the Tshapey community took care of the Lhakhang, but in 1998 it was given to the Zhung Dratshang Central Monastic Body. It was severely damaged by an earthquake and renovated in 1992. Currently, eight people live in and around the Lhakhang - five Tshampa meditators, one Kunyer caretaker, and one Lopen or Lam the spiritual master. On this occasion, the members of the Tshapey community, including those who have moved away to other places, gather at the village Lhakhang to make Nyen-dhar monetary offerings. If they cannot come, they must come and make Shag-pa confession immediately after the festival period.

The practice of propitiation and timely offering (Choed-pa means "offering") of food and drink to the deities has long been found in the history of the people of Bhutan. Although most of these ancient practices have not been put into words, many of these sacrificial rituals to nature gods and deities are still practiced in most parts of Bhutan. These beliefs remain strong as people seek protection from evil spirits, sickness, during disease and famine, and wish for blessings and prosperity. The sacrificial ceremony is held annually on the 15th day of the first month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar. The 15th day is considered the most auspicious day of the month. Depending on time availability, the ceremony can also be held on the 10th day of the first month, but the 15th is the preferred day. The Choedpa ceremony takes place on the mountain top where Jela Dzong stands at an altitude of about 3000 meters above sea level. Jela Dzong (fortress) was built in ancient times to defend enemies. Therefore, the whole area is called Jela Dzong. The fortress is under the care of the government and has been converted into a Lhakhang (temple) where a Lam (teacher) has been appointed and some monks study and live under him. There are no human settlements except for the nomads and yak herders who camp nearby and graze their yaks in the meadow. It takes about 5 hours on foot to reach Jela Dzong from the nearest village downhill. In earlier times, this sacrificial ceremony was important for the well-being of the family and the entire household. With the passage of time, this custom has lost its significance. Nowadays, only a handful of people make the effort to pack their belongings and head up the mountain. Changing times have meant that the 5-hour journey to Jela Dzong is considered too arduous and time-consuming. Instead, some people have considered simplifying the ceremony and going to a nearby mountain peak, only an hour and a half away, to perform the ceremony. It is debatable whether this will work, but according to Ap Dorji, villagers seem to admit that it has worked so far. Still, it is obvious that many things have changed and the custom is losing its meaning.

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. The other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess. The origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced. According to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself. This ICh element is still alive in Ura and Singkhar communities. However, there are some changes: The sang is now prepared and offered by themselves since there are no more highlanders at Pur-shey la, and the other is that, according to tradition, the sang is generally performed on the 8th and 9th day of the lunar month but, the community members decided to either coordinate the festival on 15th day if the time and weather is not favourable.

Tseza Bongkor is a native festival of Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and dance steps performed by what we call in local dialect the Boegarps or the Pazaabs (Male participants/warriors). It is celebrated once in every three years in six villages under Tseza Gewog namely in Zamtog, Samey, Trashigang, Jangsagang, Tsanglaykha and Kalizingkha. In every village, the festival is celebrated for three days and it is mandatory for all the households of that particular village to take part in that celebration. At Samey, the festival is always celebrated on the 14th Day of the first Bhutanese month every three years at a place called Zingkha Pangna and only then, it is celebrated at Trashigang. It is because the festival at Trashigang is also presided over by the same Male Shaman (Pawo) and the Female Shaman (Neljorm) who conducts the festival at Samey. On the last day of the Samey Bonkor i.e. on 16th day of the first Bhutanese month, the Shaman and the Yogini heads towards Trashigang for the celebration of the same. The Trashigang Bonkor begins from 16th and ends on the 18th day of the first Bhutanese month. Although the festival is celebrated for three days in all the six villages but the date of celebration differs in all the villages. For instance the date for celebration of the festival is fixed at Samey and Trashigang but in the remaining four villages the dates are not fixed. They celebrates the festival depending upon the auspicious date that is mentioned in the Bhutanese Datho (Almanic calendar). Every household must dispatch at least one or two representatives (depending upon the number of person living in that house) for the celebration. Usually all the households are represented by two members i.e. one male representative who acts as a Boegarp (male dancer) and one female representative as a dancer. If the household has just one member, that particular person has to represent his or her household. If any household fails to send the member representative/s for the festival, they have to send their substitution or else they have to pay fine. Traditionally, the festival used to be presided over by a Male shaman (Pawo) and a Female shaman (Neljorm) but since the demise of the Pawo few years back, he is replaced by one of the village Lama. There are slight differences in the way the festival is celebrated in these six villages mainly in terms of the date of the celebration, materials and the costumes used in the celebration and the persons involved in the festival. The origin of the festival is still unknown but it is believed that the festival was instituted in the region mainly by the Tseza Nyagoes (Boegarps). According to Ap Sangay Dorji, the festival was instituted mainly to appease the Dralha (deities) in order to overcome any sort of obstacles and epidemics in the region. Tseza Bongkor is still vibrantly performed in the community and there is no major transformation in the way the festival is conducted even today. Traditionally every word written in the book Dralha Pangtoed (Ritual text) was dictated upon the Boegarps by the Pawo which is today replaced by the village Lam. Similarly, the house in which the shaman and the Female shaman live during the celebration Lha chim (shrine) was build using the mated bamboo but today it is constructed using the metal sheets, wood and bamboo. According to some oral history, traditionally the people of this region were following the Bon (locally called Ban choe) religion because of which their festival came to be known as Bangkor, the Bon festival of Tseza Gewog. Some oral tradition also says that during Zhabrung's era, The Pazaabs in Punakha performed their dances in circular (kora chap di) group to celebrate their victory over the Tibetan enemies. For the same reason, the Ngagoes (strong man) or the Boegarps of Tseza Gewog also performed the same dances following the same steps. Hence, the festival came to be known as Tseza Bangkor, the dance performed by Boegarps in a circular group. Tseza Gewog is one of the important Gewog under Dagana Dzongkhag (district) since Dagana falls under Tseza gewog and is where the Dzongkhag Administration's Headquarter is located. One of the most famous and special Temple in Dagana,  Shathong Lhakhang, founded by the Buddhist Master Dupthob (Siddhi) Shawa Ripa in the 18th century is also located under Tseza Gewog. Shawa Ripa is an ancient Buddhist Master who is said to have lived for over 900 years. Oral History also mentions that there is a big tree at Pele, which is believed to be a walking stick of Zhabdrung Jigme Chogyal (1862-1904) and a house in which the Zhabdrung halt his night on the way and back from Daga Dzong.