Beshbarmak is one of the favorite traditional Kyrgyz dishes. Nowadays, none of the feast or festivities can do without preparing beshbarmak. Beshbarmak is boiled lamb cut into very small pieces and mixed with homemade noodles cooked in the lamb broth. It is served with an onion sauce called ‘chyk’ and broth (‘sorpo’). Traditionally beshbarmak is eaten with hands. That is why it is called besh barmak, which literally means five thumbs. When eating meat, guest sit in groups of two or four people. The plate with meat is given to each group. Within each group, the joints with meat are distributed according to the status of each person. Also, some beshbarmak is also left at the bottom of the big plate for those young women and men who were busy running errands outside.

It is a combined genre consisting of a dutar making craftsmanship with creative abilities including a composing of music and performing of dutar’s music sat down accompanying by singing. A dutar is a two-stringed, long necked lute consisting of a pear-shaped resonator (body) covered by thin wooden sounding board. The turkmen dutar’s resonator and soundboard are made from mulberry wood prepared from dried bole of the tree no less than 50 years old and the neck of apricot wood. Most melody’ notes are played on the upper of the dutar’s two strings with the four fingers of the left hand. The dutar is an inseparable part of culture of the turkmen people where it is found in all of the main genres of turkmen music and singing. Performers of the turkmen dutar‘s music and singers are divided into 2 groups. A dutar player named as a dutarchy is performing only dutar’s music. A bagshy is a peformer of dutar’s music accompanying by singing of the different genres of poetry which also subdivided into 3 types according to their performing styles and repertiores. A yanamachy bagshy is only a singer accompanied by music performed by dutarchy. A tirmechi bagshy is a performer of different genres of the turkmen music accompanying by singing. A dessanchy bagshy is an epic perfomer incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation which in its performances a prose and poetry are alternated.

Turkmenistan 2021

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Darshey is a traditional practice where a man holding a khadar (auspicious white scarf ) in his outstretched hands faces the seated crowd, and makes auspicious speeches at a ceremonial function, usually during religious and social occasions. (The origin of the tradition is attributed to Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) when he introduced this practice during the consecration ceremony of Punakha Dzong in 1639.) The tradition, however, may vary slightly from village to village in the use of language and presentation such as making speeches decked with maxims or simply narratives. The worldly tradition of Darshey does not require to be sung like Gurma (Religious songs), Lu or Tsammo (Songs without choreographies) but is expressed more or less like a recitation. Darshey is usually performed during auspicious occasions. Atsara (masked clown) also makes similar speeches during Tshechus (Annual Mask Dance Festivals). Generally, ordinary people perceive Atsara as a comedian that appears during tshechus in the midst of mask dancers wearing a funny mask, usually holding a phallus and a rattle in his hands to entertain the audience. However, the word came from the Sanskrit term achāriya; a title attached to a great spiritual teacher, who can claim his place among the 84 Mahasiddhas, representing all those who have within one lifetime attained direct realisation of the Buddha’s teachings. Their appearance as clowns represents our ignorance through which we fail to see the ultimate truth. That is why our forefathers had regarded the senior atsaras as the embodiment of guardian deities and sublime beings. During such gatherings as tshechu all the dignitaries such as spiritual masters and monks, ministers, secretaries, merchants and the laities give them money as a mark of their appreciation. In return, the atsara also gives auspicious narration in the form of concluding words, which is a unique aspect of Bhutanese culture. Unfortunately, this good aspect of the atsara’s auspicious narration is now on the verge of disappearing.

A story has it that Neypo (A Local Deity) was originated from Tshokar and Tshonag at Singye Dzong. In olden days khando Machig Labdon stole a son (Sasung) from Tibet and brought to Bhutan to make him the guardian deity of Bhutan. When they reached Tshonag at Singye Dzong, Khando told his son not to open his eyes but the son was eager to know why his mother did not allow him to open his eyes; hiding he opened his eyes and he saw a huge Snake (neypo) in front of him and he got shocked and died on the spot. Khando really got angry and she chased the Neypo from Tshonag; Neypo fled toward south and he reached at a place called Tsango, there he told villagers, “I will look after your wellbeing, if you offer me one people in a year. Villagers did not agree and they said “we will give one sheep every year instead of people; Neypo thought it won’t be sufficient to fill his stomach, so he disagreed and he fled towards south and reached Khoma, and the same thing he told to people of Khoma but there people offered one ox in a year, still then he was not satisfied, he ran down and reached Thingling where Neypo said “I will look after your village wellbeing, what will you give me in return?’’ People replied, we will give a hen every year; Neypo compared three offerings of the people and the best offering was made by Khoma people, so he agreed to settle in Khoma. This is how Neypo Invocation ritual came into existence.

The term Si has dual connotation of referring to the Calligraphy pen as well as to the specific bamboo from which pen is crafted. According to Lopen (master) Wangdi Gyeltshen, a renown calligrapher of Central Monastic Body said that, there is also another reed locally called Tshi-nag (a reed with dark colour at its internode) which is available from Wangdi-tse monastery area in Thimphu. Actually, there is no specific origin of the Si as it came to exist simultaneously with the writing culture in Bhutan. Colloquially, all pens used for writing purposes are called as Myu-gu, which the name derived from its raw material Myug-ma (bamboo or reed). That is why any pen used for writing available in the market today, irrespective of what it is made of are commonly called Myu-gu (literally means reed pen). As there are different types of My-gu, thus, apart from the aforementioned Si, the pens are made from a wild fern called Kyer-ma is called Kyer-myug, and the ones made of quill is dro-myug, the nib made from metal is chag-myug. Similarly, sol-myug made from dead amber or charcoal, a talc stone is cut like a pencil for use -do-myug, the chalk comes in packets and used for educational purposes in schools is sa-myug. There are also pir-myug (brush pen) and lastly, the zha-myug, the lead pencil. Regarding the raw material; in Bhutan, Si is traditionally found at Chagdana in Toepai Gewog (Block) in Punakha, and near the Nag-tshang (Manor) at Drametse. It is also found in Kheng region of Zhemgang and at the Yarphel village of Trashi Yangtse district. Si is highly valued as being blessed by superior beings like Lord Manju Shri, Guru Rinpoche, the five classes of dakinis and the Dharma Lord Drukpa Kunleg (4155-1529). Si grows as big as normal bamboo, with short culm or internode, narrow lacuna and thick culm wall. They grow in heights of more than five arm-span. Both the plant and its leaves are generally yellowish. In ancient times, a writing pen was mainly a painting brush in China and in India it was made from the quill (moulted flight feather) of a peacock or other large bird. It is explained that the pen used traditionally in Tibet and Bhutan was made from the plant species called Si, which has thick nodes and grows mainly at lower altitudes. It is obvious that, if writing tradition is gradually disappearing, both the art of making Si as well as its usage is an inevitable element to be gone together. Due to the booming computing technologies and automatic printing machines, the writing along with Si related practices are being gradually driven out of its existence however, realizing its importance and for its revival, His Majesty’s Golden Scriptures Project and other similar projects being initiated by some individual Spiritual masters had help in revitalization of such tradition as well as involving calligrapher to carry on the writing and Si making culture amidst the emerging sophisticated technologies.

The Art of Calligraphy and writing is not only the fundamental need of academic knowledge but it is also an essential skill required preserving and promoting religious teachings. It not only requires academic intellects but most important the hand-skill of calligraphy. The origin of the calligraphy as per Lam (Spiritual master) Ugyen Tenzin Yoezer, popularly known as Lopen Nado, who was then the Advisor to the Department of Education on Dzongkha Development in Bhutan says that, there was a natural system of using words and phrases in oral communications such as conversations, discussions, and official announcements, consistent with the general practice. Development of the system of communication through the writing of letters and documentation had not been widespread. During the second visit of Guru Padmasambhava to Bumthang was in the 8th century, he was accompanied by one of his 25 principal disciples’ names Denmang Tsemang. At that time Guru Padmasambava gave the sacred teachings of the Secret Mantra to the King Sindhu Raja, but it was said that there was no system of writing in the country that time. So, it was Denma Tsemang who transcribed the transmitted teachings for the King’s practices and thus the beginning of the tradition of writing in Bhutan. Thereafter in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) transmitted the writing tradition to his heirs until the dawn of 17th century when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) established the State Government by initiating the Monastic Body where the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) was particularly set for the monks to impart and learn art of calligraphy. It was necessary not only or writing and learning for oneself but, for the woodblock engraving projects that was thriving in Punakha Dzong initiated mainly for the flourishment of the Buddhist teaching in the country. Later, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs until now. Some of the remarkable calligraphers that are enlisted in the Bhutanese history were; 1.\tDenma Tsemang 9th century 2.\tNgawang Penjor as Dzongpon and Ngedup Penjor (1964) 3.\tDrungyig Zimchenpa Tandin Wanggyel 17th century 4.\tLopen Wangdue 17th century 5.\tLopen Phuentso 17th century 6.\tTshewang Dorji 17th century 7.\tLopen Gangchen, also called Kuenga Pelden, 19th century during the reign of Desi Jigma Namgyal (1825-1881) 8.\tDrungyig Tshewang Ngodrup, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck (1862–1926) 9.\tGonpo Tenzin from Lingzhi, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck 10.\tZhongar Dzongpon Kuenzang Wangdue, 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 11.\tDrungyig Tsowo Dasho Kezang Dawa, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 12.\tTangbi Kezang, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 13.\tUra Yeshey Wangdi, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 14.\tSonam Peljor, 15.\tDasho Gaydon Thinley Dorji (?) 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd and 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1929–1972) 16.\tDasho Shingkhar Lam Kuenzang Wangchuk (?) 17.\tSey Dopola Aka Dasho Phuntsho Wangdi (1892-1953) 18.\tLam Norbu Wangchuk (?), 21st century during the reign of His Majesty the 4th King Jigme Singye Wangchuck (1955–) 19.\tYarab Aja Lama Drodul Zhenphen Dorji Tenzin (1921-2005) 20.\tLam Pema Tshewang, (1926-2009), 21.\tLopen Gonpo Tenzin from Chumey, Bumthang 22.\tLam Nado from Namgyal Dratshang (?) 23.\tDasho Tenzin Dorji (1928-2012) 24.\tLam Tenzin from Ramjar, Tashi Yangtse 25.\tChabje Geshey Gedhun Rinchen (1926-1997) 26.\tChabje Khenchen Ngawang Tenzin Doendup, 68th Je Khenpo (1925-2020) 27.\tLopen Daupo from Bartsham 28.\tLam Kuenzang Wangdi (aka Lam Nyingkhula) 29.\tLopen Yonten Gyaltshen, Central Monastic Body 30.\tDasho Sangay Wangchuk Generally, there are five types of calligraphy writing; U-chen (Block script), U-mey (Headless script), Len-tsa (Rajana script), War-tu (a type of Indian script) and finally the Jog-yig (the typical Bhutanese script). Amongst these scripts, Len-tsa and War-tu scripts are mainly used as decorative scripts, while U-chen is more common in writing Buddhist canons, ritual scripts and even for the formal corresponding letters and Jog-yig script is just for writing formal records and corresponding letters. Regarding U-mey script, though it is rare to its usage bring a Tibetan script but there are some calligraphers knowing how to write. However, the tradition of writing i.e. Calligraphy has been greatly hampered and left on the verge of dying tradition due to the emergence of computer technology and available fonts in the country. Yet, there are still well known and skilled calligraphers which are mostly used by His Majesty’s Kangyur Project for writing Golden Scriptures of Buddhist Canon and even by some individual Spiritual masters which have helped in reviving and revitalizing the art in the country.

Traditional felt carpets represent one of the identity codes of the Kyrgyz people, and their recognizable, ethnographic features are an integral part of Kyrgyz cultural heritage. Kyrgyz people traditionally produce two types of felt carpets: Ala-kiyiz and Shyrdaks. Knowledge, skills, diversity, the semantics of ornaments, and the ceremonies of creating carpets, are all important cultural components. They provide Kyrgyz people with a sense of identity and continuity. Both types of felt carpets are included into the set of a traditional bride’s dowry. Shyrdaks sometimes are gifted for house-warming parties. The making of Kyrgyz felt carpets is inseparably linked with the everyday lifestyle of nomads, who used felt carpets to warm and decorate their homes. Ala-kiyiz are usually placed in the kitchen and the entrance area of the house. Shyrdaks are more complicated to produce and are more expensive, thus they are placed at the honourable part of the dwelling. The felt carpets ornaments reflect their creators’ outlooks and ideas about the Earth, water, mountains, celestial bodies and fertility.

Kyrgyzstan 2012

Ak-kalpak is a traditional Kyrgyz felt headwear. Kalpak is appreciated and worn by all men regardless of age and status. Kalpak is one of the most iconic and recognizable elements of the Kyrgyz culture. The word Ak has several connotations in Kyrgyz language. One of the meanings is “sacred”, “pure”. The kalpak’s shape has not changed in centuries because this shape symbolizes the heights of surrounding mountains and the purity of the folk spirit. There are many varieties of kalpak. Based on various techniques of felting, cutting and sewing, there are more than 80 types of kalpak. Almost all kalpaks have embroidery patterns on them. Each pattern has its own sacral meaning and history. Two varieties are most popular at the moment. One has one small cut in front and the other one, called Bakai kalpak, has two cuts on the sides. Bakai kalpak is worn by people of older age. Various colors on kalpak edges are used to symbolize the age of the kalpak owner, although these rules are not set in stone and there are many exceptions to this rule in everyday life. -\tGreen edged kalpaks are for children. Young boys wore those kalpaks. Green is a color of youth and shows that they are at the beginning of their life paths. -\tBlue edge is a color for adolescents. This was the color for men over 20s. The color of sky symbolized maturing. - Brown edged kalpak was worn by men over 30 years old. Brown symbolized that the person already has a family and as a head of the family have accumulated enough life experience and is ready to serve the country. - A beige colored edge was worn by mature men over 40, when they could serve as an example for the younger generation. - Black edged kalpak was born by elderly men over 60. Black edge on a white felt symbolizes wisdom. An elderly widower wore a white kalpak with black felt edge. It meant that his kids allowed him to marry again. - The most honorable completely white kalpak was worn by wise elders. Such kalpak is given to acknowledge his leadership and authority.

Kyrgyzstan 2019

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present-day reality. The main constituents of the element are: 1.‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. 2. ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, ‘stallion’s marriage’) is a rite for adjoining stallions in herds. taking place on the same day. This rite is considered as a recent one that emerged in response to shifting from nomadic life to settling. 3. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing'; rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The above rite names are equally used also for their scope. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art expressed through the ritual dance of performers with masks of a deity on their faces, accompanied by instrumental music such as rhythms of big drums, in order to receive the blessings of a deity. The music for this Kagura is played by a big drum, small cymbals, and a flute along with songs. The stage is approximately 3.6 m2 large, and players of a big drum and cymbals seat themselves at the centre front of the stage with their backs toward the audience. A tapestry approximately 2 meters high is hung at the back, behind which is a dressing room. There are one to five dancers, depending on the piece. They appear onto the stage, lifting up the lower edge of a tapestry. The transmitted repertoire consists of approximately seventy pieces, composed of ritual dances, one featuring deities as protagonists, one with a theme of the Japanese legends of ancient time or war chronicles of medieval time, and one of a shishi (a lion-like imaginary animal), i.e. the deity of the Hayachine Shrine itself. This one-day Kagura begins with six ritual dances, then approximately five dances expressing a deity as a protagonist or telling some stories, and finally ends with the dance of a shishi deity. As a whole, the content is meant to demonstrate the majesty of the deity of the Hayachine Shrine and to bless the people. Hayachine Kagura has over seventy pieces in its transmitted repertoire, and its dances, together with characteristic music, are considered very beautiful. Hayachine Kagura is cultural heritage transmitted to the present day from the fourteenth or fifteenth century by the people who worshipped the Hayachine Shrine. Designated by the Government as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1975, it is currently recognized as one element of important cultural heritage which widely reflects the transition of the Japanese life style. For a while after its beginning, Hayachine Kagura was transmitted and performed only by holy officers of the Hayachine Shrine. From the late seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, however, those holy officers also transmitted it to neighbouring farmers and townsmen, and gradually performed it together. Iwate Prefecture, where the Hayachine Shrine is located, is a cold region, and life was difficult there. the local people worshipped Mt. Hayachine as a deity and wished for a better and more secure life, relying upon the power of a deity. In order to meet their expectations, the bearers of Hayachine Kagura regularly visited communities, taking with them a shishi’s head as a symbol of the power of the deity Hayachine, and blessed the people by demonstrating the power of the deity through the performance of kagura. In the early twentieth century it ceased to be performed in many communities. Currently, however, it has been transmitted from elder to younger generations by local people of two communities at Ohsako Town in Hanamaki City, Iwate Prefecture, and is performed on the eve and on the day of the Great Festival of the Hayachine Shrine on August 1st every year, which venerates nature, including Mt. Hayachine. Hayachine Kagura is regarded as part of the excellent and distinctive culture of which the group of bearers and people in the transmitting communities are proud in relation to groups of other communities and societies. To transmit Hayachine Kagura and display it to the public is, for the transmitting group and community, to reconfirm a sense of identity with its own group and society and also to contribute to the continuity of such a group and community. Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art transmitted for a long time and still performed by ordinary Japanese people. The repertoire is derived from Japanese history and traditional culture, such as the Legend of Japan and war chronicles, and reflects the Japanese sense of performing arts. Moreover, the Japanese concept of deity and nature is seen in the background of the transmission and performance of Hayachine Kagura. Thus, Hayachine Kagura reflects the history, culture, and climate of Japan and still has significant meaning from a social and cultural point of view. In addition, the transmitters are eager to transmit Hayachine Kagura to the future through the performance which they have inherited from their own ancestors.

Japan 2009

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018