Kazakh Kuresi represents ancient form and style of Kazakh traditional wrestling, essential element of all festive events, celebrations and integral part of modern Kazakhstani national identity. Since ancient times, the beauty of this sports and strength of the hero-wrestlers “Baluans” have been reflected in folk epics, fairy legends, Kazakh literature like the poem of Iliyas Zhansugurov “Kulager” and Gabit Musrepov’s novel “Ulpan”, and archaeological findings. Wrestling of two opponents is performed on 12m.x 12m. sized mat. The opponents are matched according to their weight category ranging from 60 kg and above 90 kg. All techniques are performed above the waist – wrestlers must fight on foot, making it more difficult. Wrestling on the ground is prohibited. The purpose is to lay the opponent on shoulders. Duration of the match is 5 minutes with extra time of 3 minutes which is offered in case of even number of points. Evaluation of matches is counted by: a) “Buk” – if the opponent touches the mat with abdomen, knee or both knees; b) “Zhambas” is given for three “Buks” or when the opponent touches the mat with one side of pelvis or both; b) “Zhartylay zhenis” is awarded for the technique when the opponent touches the mat with both shoulders.

Kazakhstan 2016

Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

Uzbekistan is the place where the richest heritage of ceramic art is preserved. Nowadays the interest of the representatives of the contemporart traditional and untraditional ceramic art to the history of ceramic is increasing. In terms of execution technique it is divided into two types, i.e. unglazed and glazed ceramics. Though, unglazed moulded ceramics has more ancient origins. Since the end of the VIII – beginning of the IX century glazed ceramic wares emerged and got widely spread in the cities of Mawarannahr. During the IX-XII centuries glazed ceramics resembled a true artistic perfection and were of high quality. In the XIX century major schools and centers of ceramics got formed on the territory of present-day Uzbekistan. In the past, masters (potters), producing ceramic wares were called "kosagar" (a master skillful in creating flat and small wares like "kosa" (a bowl)) and "kozagar" (a master skillful in creating high and big wares like "koza" (a jug)). At present, this kind of classification lost its significance because some masters (potters) produce both small and big ceramic wares (i.e. jugs, vases, etc.).

Skullcap embroidery was developed among Iranian and Turkic peoples since ancient times. Skullcaps make up part of the national dresses of the peoples of Turkistan, especially of Uzbeks and Tajiks. They differ in terms of form and décor from one place to another. The traditions of their creation are also different. For sewing skullcap a piece of material is cut out from single-colored silk or satin, embroidered by using simple, silk and gold threads. Parts of skullcap, decorated with fancy work, are put on lining and sewed to each other. The edges are decorated with braids. Depending on the style, skullcaps can be quadrangular or cone-shaped. Skullcaps especially are made by women.

It is a combined genre consisting of a dutar making craftsmanship with creative abilities including a composing of music and performing of dutar’s music sat down accompanying by singing. A dutar is a two-stringed, long necked lute consisting of a pear-shaped resonator (body) covered by thin wooden sounding board. The turkmen dutar’s resonator and soundboard are made from mulberry wood prepared from dried bole of the tree no less than 50 years old and the neck of apricot wood. Most melody’ notes are played on the upper of the dutar’s two strings with the four fingers of the left hand. The dutar is an inseparable part of culture of the turkmen people where it is found in all of the main genres of turkmen music and singing. Performers of the turkmen dutar‘s music and singers are divided into 2 groups. A dutar player named as a dutarchy is performing only dutar’s music. A bagshy is a peformer of dutar’s music accompanying by singing of the different genres of poetry which also subdivided into 3 types according to their performing styles and repertiores. A yanamachy bagshy is only a singer accompanied by music performed by dutarchy. A tirmechi bagshy is a performer of different genres of the turkmen music accompanying by singing. A dessanchy bagshy is an epic perfomer incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation which in its performances a prose and poetry are alternated.

Turkmenistan 2021

Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap. In the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle. People also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself. In Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.

The element is recognized as one of the main elements of cultural and social identity for the regions in which it is crafted and played. The bearers and practitioners are mostly farmers including men as crafters and players and women as players, and recently a number of them are young researchers of both genders. Its traditional knowledge of crafting and playing is informally transmitted through generations by the master-student method. This element is seen in local, oral and written literature (including local poems, proverbs, chants and lullabies) which constitute a part of nature, history, and background of the bearers. As this element is shared by a number of communities, groups and individuals, it brings mutual respect and understanding amongst the communities concerned. Dotār is a folkloric plucked-string musical instrument that has been played in social and cultural events/spaces such as weddings, parties, celebrations, ritual ceremonies etc. Dotār has a bowl which is pear-shaped and made of dried wood of dead mulberry tree and its neck is made of apricot or walnut wood. It has two strings traditionally made of silk which been replaced with metal wires nowadays. Some believe that one string is male and functions as accord and the other is female which plays the main melody. The crafters also repect nature as they use dead and dried wood for making Dotār. It is not in opposition toward the national and international instruments like Universal Human Rights Declaration, sustainable development , etc.

Iran 2019

Raiho-shin rituals take place annually in various regions of Japan on days that mark the year’s beginning or days when seasons change. Such rituals stem from folk beliefs that deities from the outer world—Raiho-shin—visit communities and usher in the new year or new season with happiness and good luck. Local people dressed as deities in outlandish costumes and frightening masks visit houses, admonishing the lazy and teaching children to behave well. The head of the household treats the deities to a special meal to conclude the visit. In some communities, the rituals are held in the streets. Because the rituals have developed in regions with different social and historical contexts, they are diverse in form. For example, Suneka of Yoshihama have abalone shells dangling from their hips, whereas Kasedori of Mishima wear bamboo hats. The various appearances reflect different regional characteristics. The people who play a role as Raiho-shin also vary regionally. In some communities, men of a certain age become Raiho-shin, and in others, women play such roles. By performing the rituals, local people—notably children—have their identities molded; they develop a sense of affiliation to the community and strengthen ties among themselves. In accordance with their ancestors’ teachings, community members share responsibilities and cooperate in preparing and performing the rituals. Some prepare masks and costumes, some play a role as Raiho-shin, and others welcome Raiho-shin into their houses. Only when this ritual is over can community members look forward to a year free from misfortune.

Japan 2018

Khalfa is a woman-performer of folk songs and instrumental music, a poetess in Khoresm Oasis, who embodies traditions of oral folk art. In terms of activity, there are the following types of khalfas: khalfa sozi (khalfa-musician), who performs folk instrumental melodies; khalfa yodoghiy (khalfa-singer and khalfa-poetess), who performs folk songs at wedding ceremonies and festivities, while accompanying her singing by playing on a musical instrument; khalfa kitobiy (khalfa-book lover), who reads old books of religious themes during commemoration and rituals events ("mushkulkushod" – literally "relief"); khalfa dostonchi (khalfa-narrator); khalfa raqqosa or khalfa oyinchi (khalfa-dancer). In Khoresm two directions of khalfa performance became widespread, i.e. ensemble performance and solo performance. In ensemble performance it is possible to see a leading woman-performer, who sings songs under accompaniment of accordion (i.e. Russian diatonic accordion, which has been existence in Khoresm since XIX centure and which is called "qol soz"), doira player (who accompanies singing by playing on doira; sometimes she can act as a dancer as well) and dancers (who accompany singing with their dances; they usually dance with kajraks (castanets), or sometimes, sing along and play on doira).

Khon is a highly-refined performing art that combines multiple artistic elements: musical, vocal, literary, dance, ritual and handicraft. It may have combined features of ancient genres: court ritual, martial art, and the shadow play. It tells the story of Ramakien – the localized Thai version of the Ramayana epic. Its many episodes depict the life of Rama, his journey in the forest, his love for his wife Sita, his army of monkeys, the fights with the army of Thosakan (Ravana), king of the giants, and his final victory. The dancers wear elaborately embroidered costumes. The giants and monkeys all wear masks that cover their entire head. The colours and shape of each mask are unique to each character. The drama is enacted through dancing, accompanied by a piphat classical xylophone ensemble, singing, and narration. Each major type of characters has a distinct mode of dance expression. The dance postures and movements, the music, and the repertoire have been handed down from generations since the 15th century. The masked dance performances form part of social practices such as royal cremation, cremation of high-ranking persons or revered monks, and celebration of sacred sites and temples. Dancers, musicians, craftsmen and other members of Khon community annually perform a ceremony to honour Khon masters of the past, teachers, and deities. During this ceremony, new members are initiated into the community. Khon performance is continually evolving with new interpretations, and the adoption of modern technology for stagecraft, whilst retaining its traditional intensive dance training and ritual.

Thailand 2018

Carpet weaving is one of the world's most traditional, conceptual, applied arts. Iranians enjoy a global reputation in carpet weaving and its skills; and carpets of Fars with nomadic and rural characteristics constitute a genuine example. Historically, carpet weaving in Fars province dates back to the seventh century(AH). Carpets of Fars are known as either «Qashqai» or «Khamseh Tribes» carpets. These are the nomads moving between Esfahan and Persian Gulf coasts. Among the tribes of Qashqais, the more prominent are Darre-Shuri, Kashkuli-ye Bozorg, Kashkoli-ye Kuchak, Shesh-Boluki, and Gharache. Due to the immigration requirements, the size of nomadic rugs is usually small; they are, however, beautiful. The stages of Carpet Weaving in Fars Province - Wool cutting The carpets usually utilize wool as the basic material. The men cut the wool of their sheep, skillfully, in spring or autumn. The quality of the wool on each of the eleven sections of the sheep body, and the related colors are different. - Frame(loom) Making The portable frame of nomadic carpets is rectangle in shape, with a metal or wood support; it is placed on the ground. The act of knitting is performed on it. The men construct the frame, too. - Weaving The women convert the wool into strings on spinning wheels or weaving machines. They, masterfully, take care to obtain the best qualities. The spinning wheel is a wooden tool that resembles a big spin; the wool is turned around it from the hand of the knitter, then weaved. The spindle wheel is a wooden structure with the wool being placed in its middle to turn into strings when the wheel turns. - Painting Colors are mainly natural; the main colors are laquer, painted blue, dark blue, brown and white. The plants from whichthe colors are extracted include Madder, Indigo, lettuce leaf, walnut skin, Jashyr, cherry stem and skin of pomegranate. The pigments, so called, Dandane, are elements which allow color stabilization and imprint on the fibers; the most important modants include Alum (Double Aluminum Sulfate), Green Vitriol (Cut Blue), Double Copper Sulfate, Black Vitriol (Double Iron Sulfate). - Knitting While knitting, the women tie the colored strings on the wool web to cover the frame and give shape to the carpet. Two types of ties are common: The ""Persian tie"", an assymetric tie, usually used in places where Persian Language is spoken, where it is referred to as, so called, Farsi-Baf (done in the Persian style), and the Turkish tie, a symmetric tie, in that the two webs are of the same size and the tie is made in the middle; this second tie is more popular in places where Turkish is in use, so the name Torki-Baf (done in the Turkish style). - Completion Completion refers to the activities done for final furnishing. These include sewing the sides (so called, Dowrduzi: Some products will be sewn on the sides to be used as bags, called ""khorjin's"" or ""chante's"" on the region); burning the extra wool to make the designs vivid and enhance the quality of the product (so called, Porzsuzi); double tied roots, and final cleaning. Nomadic Gilims Wraps of Fars are not painted with painted woofs; both sides of the product can be used. Limited materials have led these products to be more geometric in both texture and margin, mirroring the local culture of the community. The most important characteristic of Fars carpet weaving is the unique method of weaving without any maps. One weaver will not be able to weave two carpets of the same design, especially, if she does not enough time to consider the details. Fars carpets include the following types: Simple Gilim(one sided or two sided): A carpet made through passing the colored wool strings, called ""Pud's"" between the vertical strings, called ""Taar's"", without maps. Rug: A carpet with thinner ""Pud's"" and thicker ""Taar's"". The product is thicker in diameter, compared to Gilim's, and is one-sided. Ghaaliche: A rug of smaller dimensions (measuring to less than three square meters). Jaajim: A product of woolen ""Taar's"" and ""Pud's"", with simple and attractive designs, and a variety of usages, including those of carpets, beds, pillows, etc. Gilim-e Naghsh-barjaste(Goljajimi Gilim): A one sided gilom with its main motifs embossed. Somak (Rendy): A one-sided Gilim, out of which ""Ghali's"" (rugs) are believed to have been evolved. Shishe Derme: A Gilim with a simple pattern; it has no knots and naps, is two sided in a way that the mirror patterns of its face are weaved on its back side. Gabbe: A gross nomadic carpet, vastly verified, and done without any map. There are both colored Gabbe's, and Gabbe's of natural colors. So called, ""Shiri"" Gabbe's of Fars mark nomadic courage for the owner.

Iran 2010