Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap. In the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle. People also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself. In Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.

One of the most entertaining mask dances is the Ging Tsholing Cham, where most of the audience, especially the children, are captivated by the intensifying drum beats and the fighting scene of the Cham ritual dance. The mask dance is also called Tro-ging, a local name, because it provides an entertaining presentation and performance for the audience. Ging represents the wrathful appearance of celestial beings, daka and dakinis; those dances are performed by laymen called Boecham pa. Whereas Tshogling is the emanation of guardian deities of Dharma protectors, including the Four Kings of the cardinal points and the Eight Classes of Gods and Goddesses; these roles are usually performed by Tsun cham pa monks. According to literary sources, the mask dance was introduced by Terton, treasure revealer, Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) after he saw the performance at Zangdok Pelri, the copper-colored mountain and spiritual realm of Guru Padmasambhava. Pema Lingpa, who was one of the fortunate incarnate beings of Guru Padmasambhava, met his enlightened master several times: when he predicted the future, when he gave him the list of treasures to be discovered in disguise, when he guided him to the sites to be discovered, and as he often invited him into his realm during meditation states and in dreams. On one such occasion, in the magnificent palace of Rang-jung Trulpai Phodrang, self-formed palace, he saw the Root Master manifesting in Ja-lue rainbow body or wisdom body, from which millions of his forms emerged, filling the three realms of the universe, which is beyond our imagination. Among the magical representations, the enlightened sages of India and Tibet sit in the right row and the scholars sit in the left row. In between them sit the 108 treasure discoverers, who are incarnations of Guru Padmasambhava and his 25 chief disciples. A cloud of gods and goddesses transformed into one hundred Dampa Rigja Protective Deities– forty-two peaceful forms, and fifty-eight in Ging wrathful appearance–they made various sensuous offerings, including the performance of Dorji-lugar Vajra Dances, dancing upon the air, rejoicing in the participation in the preaching of the coinage doctrine. Outside the entrance gate of the Four Directions are thousands of warriors from the Pho-jued and Mo-jued male and female classes of protecting deities, the Eight Classes of Gods and Goddesses, led by the kings of the Four Directions Tshoglings, who are getting ready to overcome obstacles to the sacred teachings. In the war scene between the Gings and the Tshoglings, the aggressive characters of the Tshoglings, and the drum beats of the Gings arouse a sense of fear in the obstacles and samaya oath breakers, guiding them to follow the righteous path of humanity. A similar performance was originally introduced by Guru Padmasambhava to aid Tibet’s King Thrisong Detsen (c. 755-797 or 804 AD). Padmasambhava used his supernatural powers at the great Samye Monastery in Tibet, he manifested in the form of Ging and Tshogling, producing an immense positive force to fight and subdue the evil spirits that hindered the construction of the monastery. With the obstacles overcome, the site became an important part of establishing the teachings of the Buddha in the region. After seeing the spectacular performance and realizing its benefits for the liberation of sentient beings, Pema Lingpa introduced the sacred mask dance to Jigten me-yul the human world, first at Korphu Temple, one of his seats in Trongsa, central Bhutan. There is still a saying that goes, "If you are not sure about the choreographies of Ging Tsholing or Tro-ging, you should visit Korphu Drub." Korphu Drub is the annual mask dance festival that coincides with the temple's dedication ceremony. Due to the importance of the dance, this mask dance was later introduced in most Tshechu, Rabney, Mewang, Mani, Drub, Drubchen (native names for the annual mask dance festival) of forts, monasteries and temples by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) who unified Bhutan as a country, the successive spiritual leaders of the Je Khenpo as well as the temporary leaders of the Druk Desi - these spiritual masters and far-sighted monarchs.

The Xinjiang Uyghur Muqam is the general term for a variety of Muqam practices widespread among the Uyghur communities, which form one of the largest ethnic minorities of the People’s Republic of China. Throughout its history, the Xinjiang region has been marked by a high degree of cultural exchange between East and West, due in particular to its central location along the Silk Road. In Muqam ensembles, the lead instruments are made from local materials and vary in form (they may be bowed-stringed, plucked or wind instruments). The dancing skills involve unique steps, rhythms and formations as well as figures such as flower-picking-bymouth, bowl-carrying-on-head and imitation of animals in solo dances. The Xinjiang Uyghur Muqam has developed four main regional styles, namely the Twelve Muqam, Dolan Muqam, Turpan Muqam and Hami Muqam.

China 2008

Shawa Sha-khe/chi Chham (the mask dance of the stag and the hounds) or also called as Acho Phen-to (the Hunter and the servant) by its character is one of the mask dances that falls under the Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances) category of three broad classifications of mask dances in the Bhutan. This mask dance has a characteristic of theatrical play extracted from the life story of Milarepa (1052-1135) and has various characters and episodes basically conveying the Buddhist principals of compassion, arising faith and human values that lead to a harmonious life. The origin of the mask dance dates back to the 11th century when Jetsun (venerable) Milarepa the great yogi from Tibet, converted Gonpo Dorji, a fierce hunter as his disciple who later listed as became one of his principal followers named as Khe-rawa Gonpo Dorji. In brief, the story goes as follows: While Milarepa was meditating in a cave known as Katya in Nyishangkurta (on the present-day border between the Tibetan autonomous region of China and Nepal), he heard a couple of hounds barking somewhere near to his hermitage. In a short while, a stag glistening with sweat and exhausted bounds into his cave indirectly seeking refuge from the lean and thin meditator Milarepa. Out of great and compassion and pity, Milarepa sangs a song to calm the terrified stag, which eventually laid down peacefully near to the great yogi in the cave. Led by the scent of the stag, two ferocious hounds; a red and a black-coloured appeared in lightning speed, rushed inside the cave in pursuit of the stag. Milarepa also calms them by singing yet another stanza of song dedicating to the hounds which subsides its rage and calmly sits beside Milarepa waggling its tail alike to their owner. Subsequently, the merciless hunter, the owner of the dogs, Gonpo Dorje soon arrives in pursuit of his target, the hounds, and steped into the cave frustrated, drenched in sweats, tired and a bow and arrow ready to release the trigger. The sight of his hounds and the stag calmly sitting together with Milarepa infuriates him, thinking that the yogi has used some kind of black magic on the animals. Dragged by his rage, he shoots an arrow at Milarepa which in-turn slips the arrow from his bowstring. Milarepa then sings the hunter a song to calm his mind and open it to the Dharma, but the hunter remains uncertain whether Milarepa is a great saint or else a black magic practitioner. Gonpo Dorje inspected Milarepa’s cave, and upon noticing nothing in it but an empty bowl surprised him. Overwhelmed by feelings of profound respect for Milarepa, feled deep remorse for all his past sinful actions and thereafter vowed never to commit such acts and became a faithful disciple. The mask dance has various characters such as; Shawa (the Stag), Sha-khi/che (two hounds), Acho (the hunter), Phen-to (servant), Milarepa (the Saint) and a package of Atsa-ra (clowns). The mask dance is performed only during the annual Tshe-chu (Mask Dance Festival) with several episodes portraying different scenes. The element is still vibrant in the country.

Lazgi is the most popular Khoresm dance, which is energetic and full of passion. It is performed equally by both male and female dancers. "Lazgi" dance was usually accompanied by instrumental and dancy melodies. Although song versions of "lazgi" (which use various poetic texts) became widespread later on, the nature and character of melody remained the same. There are several versions of "lazgi" dance. These are: dance on a tray, dance on a brick, solo as well as group dance. In these, refined dance movements are replaced consequently by passionate and accelerated dance. The dance starts from steady movements of fingers of one hand and then another. Then simultaneously and slowly includes entire torso. The tempo gets accelerated and dancers snap fingers in time with dance with the help of stone castanets. In a group dance each participant dances in his or her own style.

Uzbekistan 2019

Dancing art of Uzbekistan, which unites the traditions of oral folk creativity, songs and dances, has a rich history. This is testified by numerous archaeological findings, artifacts, wall paintings (in the palaces), ossuaries and works of miniature art of the Middle Ages which came down to us from the ancient past. Throughout history various dance styles emerged. From among them it is possible to mention "Katta oyin" (Big dance), which is a multi-part suite that includes the cycle of rhythmical usuls as well as complexes of certain dance movements associated with them, "khona bazm oyin" (indoor dances), "duchava" (dance with two sticks), "dance with teabowls" (dance with a bowl for drinking tea) , "dance with spoons", "dance with daggers", "dance on chest", "teapot dance", "kema oyin" (dance on a boat), "zangbozi", "naghora oyin", "shodi", "zamin bozi", "larzon", "lazgi", "bukhorcha", "tanovar", "Farghona ruboyisi", "Andijon polkasi", etc. From the past dances were divided into those performed by men and women. Even though there are different styles and genres, various performance manners, it is still possible to see some common features, which make up Uzbek dance to look very impressive.

Rigma Chudruk Cham is a pacifying dance, performed solely by monks wearing exquisite costumes to represent the sixteen goddesses that make various offerings to enlightened beings. Generally, the dance has two types: Rigma Chudruk Cham and Rigma Chudruk Nga Cham. Though the costumes are identical, these dances can be easily differentiated by the instruments they use. The first Rigma Chudruk Cham performs with Drilbu, bell, and Daru or Damaru, a small two-headed drum. The latter dance exclusively plays Nga drums with Ne-tok, drum-stick. The dance is known by various names across different Buddhist traditions: Rigma Chudruk Cham; Khandro-mai Cham Dance of Dakinis; Zhe-wai Cham pacifying dance; Dorji Lhamo chudruk sixteen Vajra Dakinis; Choe-pai Lhamo Chudruk Sixteen Offering Goddesses; and Dodyon-gi Lhamo Chudruk Sixteen Pleasurable Goddesses. The sixteen goddesses not only bestow wisdom but also entertain and bring enjoyable offerings to the enlightened spiritual beings. These goddesses are generally classified into three groups: Outer, Inner, Secret Offering Goddesses. The first group consists of four members: 1. Gegmo-ma, Skt. Lasya, Goddess of Grace 2. Threngwa-ma, Skt. Mala, Garland Goddess 3. Lu-ma, Skt. Gita, Singer 4. Gar-ma, Skt. Nirti, Dancer The second group has also four members: 1. Meto-ma, skt. Pushpe, Flower Offering Goddess 2. Dhugpe-ma, Skt. Dhupa, Incense Offering Goddess 3. Nangsel-ma, Skt. Aloka, Lamp offering Goddess 4. Drichab-ma, Perfume Offering Goddess The third group has five goddesses: 1. Piwang-ma, Violin player 2. Lingbu-ma, flute player 3. Ngadum-ma, Drum player 4. Zanga-ma, Skt. Muranyyaze, Clay-drum player 5. Zuk Dorji-ma, Skt. Vajra Dakini, Vajra Form Goddess The last group has three. 1. Ro Dorj- ma, Taste Vajra Goddess 2. Rek-ja Dorji ma, Feeling Vajra Goddess 3. Choying Dorji ma, Skt. Dharmadatu Vajra Dakini, Vajra Goddess of unfabricated awareness.

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

Tseza Bongkor is a native festival of Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and dance steps performed by what we call in local dialect the Boegarps or the Pazaabs (Male participants/warriors). It is celebrated once in every three years in six villages under Tseza Gewog namely in Zamtog, Samey, Trashigang, Jangsagang, Tsanglaykha and Kalizingkha. In every village, the festival is celebrated for three days and it is mandatory for all the households of that particular village to take part in that celebration. At Samey, the festival is always celebrated on the 14th Day of the first Bhutanese month every three years at a place called Zingkha Pangna and only then, it is celebrated at Trashigang. It is because the festival at Trashigang is also presided over by the same Male Shaman (Pawo) and the Female Shaman (Neljorm) who conducts the festival at Samey. On the last day of the Samey Bonkor i.e. on 16th day of the first Bhutanese month, the Shaman and the Yogini heads towards Trashigang for the celebration of the same. The Trashigang Bonkor begins from 16th and ends on the 18th day of the first Bhutanese month. Although the festival is celebrated for three days in all the six villages but the date of celebration differs in all the villages. For instance the date for celebration of the festival is fixed at Samey and Trashigang but in the remaining four villages the dates are not fixed. They celebrates the festival depending upon the auspicious date that is mentioned in the Bhutanese Datho (Almanic calendar). Every household must dispatch at least one or two representatives (depending upon the number of person living in that house) for the celebration. Usually all the households are represented by two members i.e. one male representative who acts as a Boegarp (male dancer) and one female representative as a dancer. If the household has just one member, that particular person has to represent his or her household. If any household fails to send the member representative/s for the festival, they have to send their substitution or else they have to pay fine. Traditionally, the festival used to be presided over by a Male shaman (Pawo) and a Female shaman (Neljorm) but since the demise of the Pawo few years back, he is replaced by one of the village Lama. There are slight differences in the way the festival is celebrated in these six villages mainly in terms of the date of the celebration, materials and the costumes used in the celebration and the persons involved in the festival. The origin of the festival is still unknown but it is believed that the festival was instituted in the region mainly by the Tseza Nyagoes (Boegarps). According to Ap Sangay Dorji, the festival was instituted mainly to appease the Dralha (deities) in order to overcome any sort of obstacles and epidemics in the region. Tseza Bongkor is still vibrantly performed in the community and there is no major transformation in the way the festival is conducted even today. Traditionally every word written in the book Dralha Pangtoed (Ritual text) was dictated upon the Boegarps by the Pawo which is today replaced by the village Lam. Similarly, the house in which the shaman and the Female shaman live during the celebration Lha chim (shrine) was build using the mated bamboo but today it is constructed using the metal sheets, wood and bamboo. According to some oral history, traditionally the people of this region were following the Bon (locally called Ban choe) religion because of which their festival came to be known as Bangkor, the Bon festival of Tseza Gewog. Some oral tradition also says that during Zhabrung's era, The Pazaabs in Punakha performed their dances in circular (kora chap di) group to celebrate their victory over the Tibetan enemies. For the same reason, the Ngagoes (strong man) or the Boegarps of Tseza Gewog also performed the same dances following the same steps. Hence, the festival came to be known as Tseza Bangkor, the dance performed by Boegarps in a circular group. Tseza Gewog is one of the important Gewog under Dagana Dzongkhag (district) since Dagana falls under Tseza gewog and is where the Dzongkhag Administration's Headquarter is located. One of the most famous and special Temple in Dagana,  Shathong Lhakhang, founded by the Buddhist Master Dupthob (Siddhi) Shawa Ripa in the 18th century is also located under Tseza Gewog. Shawa Ripa is an ancient Buddhist Master who is said to have lived for over 900 years. Oral History also mentions that there is a big tree at Pele, which is believed to be a walking stick of Zhabdrung Jigme Chogyal (1862-1904) and a house in which the Zhabdrung halt his night on the way and back from Daga Dzong.

Nang-zhey or Ngang pi Zhey is a native folk dance of a particular chiwog under Chokor Gewog in Bumthang with unique dress, lyrics, melodies and steps performed only by the male artists locally called Pazer-pa (soldiers or guards). The zhey is believed to be a sacred performance composed by their spiritual master Namkha Samdrup aka Tshampai Lama. Namkha Samdrub was born in 1398 on the 14th day of the third lunar month of the 7th Rabjung to Jamyang Drakpa Yoezer, one of the twin sons of the 22nd Sumthrang Choeje Palden Sengge and his partner Bumkyi, who belonged to the lineage of Ngangpai Dung. At the age of four, Namkha Samdrub was recognized as the reincarnation of Zhigpo Trashi Sengge, the 19th successor of Sumthrang Choeje. From the age of six to thirteen, he learned the basic Buddhist teachings and received empowerments and oral transmissions from his uncle Tennyi. He continued to seek further teachings and empowerments from various masters, including Drubwang Montsepa (d.u.), Lama Kunga Palden (d.u.), Gyalwang Choeje (d.u.), 6th Karmapa Thongwa Donden (1416-1453), and Terton (treasure discoverer) Ratna Lingpa (1403-1478). Namkha Samdrub eventually became a high-ranking master of the Drigung Kagyu (one of the Tibetan schools) and spent much of his life in solitude in the area bordering Tibet called Longtoe District, which is why he is sometimes called Longtoe Lama by Tibetans. He later moved to Tshampa on the Bhutanese side, where he took up extensive meditation practices, so he became known as Tshampai Lama. Later, he founded the Ngang Lhakhang (temple) in the Ngang community, which consisted mainly of his followers. After the completion of the temple, the Rabney (consecration ceremony) on the 15th day of the tenth lunar month was conducted by Lama himself. During the Rabney, Lama introduced mask dances as well as Ngang-zhey, which are performed every year on the 15th and 17th days of the tenth lunar month to sanctify the physical space and bestow blessings on the audience, coinciding with the eve of Karma nyadzom (conjunction with the Pleiades constellation). Although zhey is performed, the community faces problem of finding male performers, and since it is an indigenous art, if the trend remains the same every year, there is a high probability that the performance will be discontinued.

There exist approximately thirty thousand traditional performing arts transmitted throughout Japan. This kind of performing arts is performed by ordinary amateur people in their daily life in order to pray for an abundant harvest, for example, and differs from theatre performing arts in the way of transmission, where professionals performer in front of the audience for the sake of art appreciation. Such performing arts are classified into intangible folk cultural property in Japan, and the transmission of them depends upon the further detailed classification. Dainichido Bugaku is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary people of the four communities in Hachimantai Town of Kazuno City, Akita Prefecture, positioned in the northern part of the main land of Japan. Japan has the ritual dance and music, called bugaku, that is one of traditional performing arts. It was a performing art brought about to Japan via the ancient China or the Korean peninsula from the fifth to the ninth century, and later sophisticated, developed, and finally Japanized in its long history; it was performed at a rite or a banquet in the imperial palace. While bugaku has been transmitted at the political centre of each age by professional performers, it gradually permeated widely into local areas in the course of a long history of Japan, and ordinary residents in local areas learned it. As a result, bugaku was introduced into local festivals or events, rooted there, and respectively transformed into locally distinctive performing arts. According to a legend of Dainichido, it originates from bugaku performed by professionals from the then Capital City on an occasion of reconstruction of Dainichido, i.e. the shrine pavilion, in the early eighth century. From this legend it was later named Dainichido Bugaku. While it was transmitted in Hachimantai Town, however, it acquired new features in its repertoire, musical instrument and choreography, not found in bugaku. In this sense it is recognized as an important element of cultural heritage which indicates the transition process of performing arts. It was designated by the National Government as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property. It is one element of intangible cultural heritage which represents the ‘extraneous category’ among the folk performing arts. It is dedicated to the deity on the stage set inside Dainichido on January 2nd with a prayer for the happiness of the year; performers successively dedicate with background music of flutes and drums. It has been transmitted by the people of the four communities, i.e. Osato, Azukisawa, Nagamine, Taniuchi, in Hachimantai Town. Those people are recognized as assuming the special role in the transmission of the performing arts. The transmitted repertoires are nine in total, and they are divided among the four communities for the transmission. Inside each community the elderly transmit its assigned repertoires to the younger and children. Thus, Dainichido Bugaku has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people of the four communities to-day. It is a kind of intangible cultural heritage collectively transmitted by a local community. Moreover, people are proud to perform the ritual dance. Performing the ritual dance deepens people’s sense of affiliation to a local community and reinforces their identity. Dainichido Bugaku is repeatedly performed for a long time from the dawn to noon of January 2nd every year, according to the fix performance order. After the people dedicate Dainichido Bugaku at the fixed site in each of the four communities, they proceed to Dainichido in a line. On the stage set inside Dainichido they together dedicate the nine Bugaku; in some of those Bugaku they put a head of shishi (an imaginary lion) on; in some they put a mask on; in others children perform. Thus, the style of Dainichido Bugaku has some variations, reflecting the local features. Many of the residents in Hachimantai Town gather around the stage on this occasion every year, since Dainichido Bugaku is also significant to people other than the performers in that it prays for the happiness of a new year and let them reconfirm the identity with a local community. Thus, Dainichido Bugaku reflects the history, culture and climate of Japan, and has a great meaning to today’s Japan from the social and cultural viewpoints. On the other hand, the performers are eager to transmit what they have inherited from the ancestors to successors.

Japan 2009

“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.

Japan 2009