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ICH Elements 12
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Traditional music (kuu) - melodies
Folk tuned melodies (kuu) of different sizes are classical musical heritage of the Kyrgyz, which are performed on national musical instruments. Each of them is exceptional and unique in its own way. The main musical instrument used in solo performance of kuu is a three-stringed plucked instrument – komuz. Well-known folk tuned melodies as Kambarkan, Botoi, Kerbez, Tolgoo and Kairyk have become the basis for emergence of separate genres of kuu and have had their own impact on development of the Kyrgyz instrumental music as a whole. Performance of each kuu is distinguished by the diversity of methods of artistic expressiveness and playing technique. Kuu are divided into program and non- program musical pieces. The bases of program folk tunes are folk life, epical, and historical plots, historical geneses of which are presented before each kuu performance. Non-program kuu reflect certain life circumstances and have their own titles. They reflect deep human experiences about the meaning of life, images of the human. In general, kuu have laid the foundations for development of the Kyrgyz instrumental music. The Kyrgyz instrumental music performed by folklore groups is very popular now. No cultural event is organized without it today, whether it is a festive or a national event. Depending on the complexity of compositions, sounds of typical musical instruments of the Kyrgyz such as komuz, kyl kiyak, temir komuz, chopo-choor, dobulbas and sybyzgy are present in the instrumental music. National musical instruments of the Kyrgyz can be functionally divided into instruments bearing artistic and esthetic function, instruments bearing application purpose, and the ritual ones that combine the first two features. Along with concert and orchestral practice, some instruments of applied and ritual character continue to be used in ceremonial songs up today.
Kyrgyzstan -
Falconry, a living human heritage
Falconry is the traditional art and practice of keeping, training and flying falcons to take quarry in its natural state, and has been practised for more than 4000 years. It is one of the oldest relationships between human and bird. It probably evolved in the steppes of Asia, and spread via cultural and trade links to other countries, first to Europe, North Africa and East Asia and later in the 16th century to the rest of the world. The practice of falconry in early and medieval periods of history is documented in many parts of the world. The falcon and her prey have evolved together over millions of years; their interaction is an age-old drama. The falconer’s task is to bring the actors together on nature’s stage. Falconry as intangible cultural heritage is integrated into communities as a social recreational practice and a means of connecting with nature. Originally a way of obtaining food, falconry has acquired other values over the centuries, and is identified with camaraderie, sharing, and expressions of freedom. Nowadays falconry is practised by people of all ages in local communities in more than eighty countries. Falconry expresses itself in multiple cultural domains, in particular ‘social practices, rituals and festive events’, as well as ‘knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe’. These include traditional skills, traditional knowledge about the biology and behaviour of birds and the environment, the making of traditional falconry equipment, as well as linguistic and artistic expressions found in idioms, painting, sculpture, poetry, rituals and music. Falconry has its own set of culturally-shaped traditions and ethics; while falconers come from different backgrounds, they share universal values, traditions and practices. Falconry is transmitted from generation to generation as a cultural tradition by a variety of means, such as mentoring, learning within families, or formalized training in clubs and schools. The process of transmitting falconry heritage activates not only the historical memory of the falconry community but also enriches its cultural identity. In recent times falconry has seen a renaissance. Falconry provides modern man with links to nature and strengthens local identities. It is an important cultural symbol in many countries. The modern practice of falconry aims at safeguarding not only falcons, quarry, and habitats but also the practice itself as a living cultural tradition.
United Arab Emirates,Austria,Belgium,Czech Republic,Germany,Spain,France,Hungary,Italy,South Korea,Kazakhstan,Morocco,Mongolia,Pakistan,Portugal,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,Syria 2016 -
Stone carving
Stone carving (stone cutting) is an ancient art of Uzbeks as well. Artefacts found during archaeological excavations say, that the very first treated stones in Uzbekistan belong to the Paleolithic, Neolithic and Bronze Age. The masters of those times knew how to process the stone, knew the techniques for transporting heavy solid stones, used lever devices to lift them, knew which stones were lighter and which were more difficult to process, already had tools to give pattern and relief to the stone. Their wide use of granite, marble, limestone and gypsum is indicated by excavations of ancient monuments in southern Uzbekistan - in the towns of Koratepe, Fayaztepe, Ayritash. Here Buddhist temples were decorated with carved stone, sculptures were created from stone. Later, stone cutting became a craft, and the art of stone carving reached its height in Maverannahr, Khorasan, Khorezm and other territories. For example, during the reign of Amir Temur, architectural masterpieces such as Gor-Emir, Shahi-Zinda, the Bibihanum mosque, the Ahmad Yassawi mausoleum and much more were created, where magnificent sculptures and carved stone with letters are presented. The displaced stone is magnificent - the tombstone of the great Temur and the grates carved from marble in Gori Emir. A lot of stone and marble was used in the architecture of ancient Khiva. The entire foundation of the palaces is laid out there by them, and they are all carved from geometric and floral figures. The stone-cutting walls of the Khiva Palace of Tashavli can be considered a magnificent example of beautiful stone carving, it is therefore called the Stone Courtyard. There are several types of stone carving: line threads, chain, lattice, deep, multi-layer, flat threads, etc. It also matters which stone works with - soft, pliable, medium hardness or hard.
Uzbekistan -
Tseza Bonkor: Bon Ritual of Tseza community
Tseza Bongkor is a native festival of Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and dance steps performed by what we call in local dialect the Boegarps or the Pazaabs (Male participants/warriors). It is celebrated once in every three years in six villages under Tseza Gewog namely in Zamtog, Samey, Trashigang, Jangsagang, Tsanglaykha and Kalizingkha. In every village, the festival is celebrated for three days and it is mandatory for all the households of that particular village to take part in that celebration. At Samey, the festival is always celebrated on the 14th Day of the first Bhutanese month every three years at a place called Zingkha Pangna and only then, it is celebrated at Trashigang. It is because the festival at Trashigang is also presided over by the same Male Shaman (Pawo) and the Female Shaman (Neljorm) who conducts the festival at Samey. On the last day of the Samey Bonkor i.e. on 16th day of the first Bhutanese month, the Shaman and the Yogini heads towards Trashigang for the celebration of the same. The Trashigang Bonkor begins from 16th and ends on the 18th day of the first Bhutanese month. Although the festival is celebrated for three days in all the six villages but the date of celebration differs in all the villages. For instance the date for celebration of the festival is fixed at Samey and Trashigang but in the remaining four villages the dates are not fixed. They celebrates the festival depending upon the auspicious date that is mentioned in the Bhutanese Datho (Almanic calendar). Every household must dispatch at least one or two representatives (depending upon the number of person living in that house) for the celebration. Usually all the households are represented by two members i.e. one male representative who acts as a Boegarp (male dancer) and one female representative as a dancer. If the household has just one member, that particular person has to represent his or her household. If any household fails to send the member representative/s for the festival, they have to send their substitution or else they have to pay fine. Traditionally, the festival used to be presided over by a Male shaman (Pawo) and a Female shaman (Neljorm) but since the demise of the Pawo few years back, he is replaced by one of the village Lama. There are slight differences in the way the festival is celebrated in these six villages mainly in terms of the date of the celebration, materials and the costumes used in the celebration and the persons involved in the festival. The origin of the festival is still unknown but it is believed that the festival was instituted in the region mainly by the Tseza Nyagoes (Boegarps). According to Ap Sangay Dorji, the festival was instituted mainly to appease the Dralha (deities) in order to overcome any sort of obstacles and epidemics in the region. Tseza Bongkor is still vibrantly performed in the community and there is no major transformation in the way the festival is conducted even today. Traditionally every word written in the book Dralha Pangtoed (Ritual text) was dictated upon the Boegarps by the Pawo which is today replaced by the village Lam. Similarly, the house in which the shaman and the Female shaman live during the celebration Lha chim (shrine) was build using the mated bamboo but today it is constructed using the metal sheets, wood and bamboo. According to some oral history, traditionally the people of this region were following the Bon (locally called Ban choe) religion because of which their festival came to be known as Bangkor, the Bon festival of Tseza Gewog. Some oral tradition also says that during Zhabrung's era, The Pazaabs in Punakha performed their dances in circular (kora chap di) group to celebrate their victory over the Tibetan enemies. For the same reason, the Ngagoes (strong man) or the Boegarps of Tseza Gewog also performed the same dances following the same steps. Hence, the festival came to be known as Tseza Bangkor, the dance performed by Boegarps in a circular group. Tseza Gewog is one of the important Gewog under Dagana Dzongkhag (district) since Dagana falls under Tseza gewog and is where the Dzongkhag Administration's Headquarter is located. One of the most famous and special Temple in Dagana, Shathong Lhakhang, founded by the Buddhist Master Dupthob (Siddhi) Shawa Ripa in the 18th century is also located under Tseza Gewog. Shawa Ripa is an ancient Buddhist Master who is said to have lived for over 900 years. Oral History also mentions that there is a big tree at Pele, which is believed to be a walking stick of Zhabdrung Jigme Chogyal (1862-1904) and a house in which the Zhabdrung halt his night on the way and back from Daga Dzong.
Bhutan -
Kar-mey: Butter lamp Offering
Karmey: (Butter lamp Offering) during A-shey Lhamo Dance is an indigenous tradition practiced exclusively by women in the communities of Shingkhar, Somthrang, Pangkhar and Ura in Ura Gewog (block), Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). Colloquially, Karmey means offering butter lamps in all temples and monasteries in and around these communities. The element is closely related to an annual offering of Saang (smoke offering), popularly known as A-shey Lhamo which is normally conducted from 8th and 9th day of the 7th month of the lunar calendar. The Karmey program is the last and concluding event of the three-day A-shey Lhamo festival which is held on the 10th day of the 7th month coinciding the birth anniversary of Guru Padsambava. The origin of Karmey is identical to that of A-shey Lhamo, although A-shey Lhamo is considered a Bon-kar (transformed Bon practices) and the other explicitly a Buddhist tradition. The establishment of the A-shey Lhamo festival dates back to the reign of Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler) of the Ura community, not long before the advent of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th and 11th centuries. It is said that the misfortune of shey-ned (diarrhoeal infection) spread among the children of the Ura community, and to cure such epidemic diseases, Dung Lhawang Drakpa introduced the performance of the A-shey Lhamo dance, an offering to appease the female local deity on the eighth and ninth days of the seventh month of the lunar calendar. For most Bon practitioners throughout the country, this is a special day when they make confirmation offerings to their respective deities and ask for blessings of peace and happiness for the individual as well as for the entire community, country and all sentient beings in the world. According to older members of these communities, they have noticed a decline and disappearance of this ancient practice over the years. They say that they remember crowds of women from communities like Ura, Pangkhar, Somthrang and even Singkhar singing and running to all the temples and monasteries to offer butter lamps and tshogs (offerings) and perform melodious folk dances right after the A-shey Lhamo festival was celebrated. There are also some native songs and dances that are sung and performed only on Karmey Day. It is believed that after the annual offering to the A-shey Lhamo deities according to the Bon Kar tradition, people also wanted to observe the Buddhist way of offering to the scattered temples and monasteries, which falls exactly on the 10th day of the month, which is revered as the birthday of Guru Padsambava, one of the highly revered saints who introduced Vajrayana Buddhism in the mid-8th century. However, over time, the villages of Somthrang and Pangkhar have discontinued this tradition along with the performance of A-shey Lhamo, and today Shingkhar and Ura are the only two communities that follow and maintain this tradition.
Bhutan -
Nang-zhey or Ngang bi Zhey
Nang-zhey or Ngang pi Zhey is a native folk dance of a particular chiwog under Chokor Gewog in Bumthang with unique dress, lyrics, melodies and steps performed only by the male artists locally called Pazer-pa (soldiers or guards). The zhey is believed to be a sacred performance composed by their spiritual master Namkha Samdrup aka Tshampai Lama. Namkha Samdrub was born in 1398 on the 14th day of the third lunar month of the 7th Rabjung to Jamyang Drakpa Yoezer, one of the twin sons of the 22nd Sumthrang Choeje Palden Sengge and his partner Bumkyi, who belonged to the lineage of Ngangpai Dung. At the age of four, Namkha Samdrub was recognized as the reincarnation of Zhigpo Trashi Sengge, the 19th successor of Sumthrang Choeje. From the age of six to thirteen, he learned the basic Buddhist teachings and received empowerments and oral transmissions from his uncle Tennyi. He continued to seek further teachings and empowerments from various masters, including Drubwang Montsepa (d.u.), Lama Kunga Palden (d.u.), Gyalwang Choeje (d.u.), 6th Karmapa Thongwa Donden (1416-1453), and Terton (treasure discoverer) Ratna Lingpa (1403-1478). Namkha Samdrub eventually became a high-ranking master of the Drigung Kagyu (one of the Tibetan schools) and spent much of his life in solitude in the area bordering Tibet called Longtoe District, which is why he is sometimes called Longtoe Lama by Tibetans. He later moved to Tshampa on the Bhutanese side, where he took up extensive meditation practices, so he became known as Tshampai Lama. Later, he founded the Ngang Lhakhang (temple) in the Ngang community, which consisted mainly of his followers. After the completion of the temple, the Rabney (consecration ceremony) on the 15th day of the tenth lunar month was conducted by Lama himself. During the Rabney, Lama introduced mask dances as well as Ngang-zhey, which are performed every year on the 15th and 17th days of the tenth lunar month to sanctify the physical space and bestow blessings on the audience, coinciding with the eve of Karma nyadzom (conjunction with the Pleiades constellation). Although zhey is performed, the community faces problem of finding male performers, and since it is an indigenous art, if the trend remains the same every year, there is a high probability that the performance will be discontinued.
Bhutan -
Death Ritual of Lhop Communities
Death is often considered as a great loss but not more than the fear incurred from the unnatural deaths; such as accidents from falling off a tree or death caused due to an encounter with wild animals as they strongly believe that death has been caused from dishonoring the deities or by evil spirits or by bad spells from somebody. They conduct very elaborate ceremonies to appease the spirit of the deceased and deities, especially the deceased with food and drinks so as to prevent misfortune to the surviving people. Lhops believe in the dual existence; that when death occurs, the soul, Se-hok, leaves the body and dwells in the emptiness for certain period and later joins the world of Sim-pu (death).
Bhutan -
The five Cultural Protected Water Body(CPWB) Types in Fiji
The five Cultural Protected Water Body(CPWB) Types in Fiji A total of five Cultural Protected Water Body types (CPWBs) were found to be practiced to varying degrees in Fiji: 1.Funerary protected area 2.‘‘Conception of eldest child’’, ‘ 3.‘Meconium’’, 4.Male ‘‘Circumci- sion’’, and ‘5.‘Chiefly investiture’’. The five CPWB types in both freshwater and marine systems of Fiji encompass the life cycle of an iTaukei, from conception until death (Fig. 3). Conception protected area (ConcPA) Anon (1896), reporting on reasons for the decline in iTaukei population, documented that 50% of first-born children died, and the rate was almost as high for the second and third child. This high mortality rate was attributed to stillbirth, abortion (Hocart 1912; Henderson 1931), ignorance (Deane 1921), and women planting and fishing until the day of birth (Hocart 1912; Thomson 1968). Women of noble birth had privileged treatment (Henderson 1931), where the first born, known as dra tabu, meaning ‘holy blood’ (Tuwere 2002), were pampered starting from conception (Seruvakula 2000). For three to eight months, the expecting mother does not cut her hair or bathe, and is prohibited from all chores so as to prevent miscarriage (Hocart 1912; 1952). On her eighth month of pregnancy, she goes fishing, and the catch was used in a feast known as isilisili ni bukete, or bathing of the pregnant mother (Hocart 1912). Deane (1921), on the other hand, reported that she remained in her house until 100 nights after birth, after which she bathed in the river, followed by a feast. Between these authors, only Hocart (1952) explicitly stated that the river was tabu after birth. Meconium During labor, the presence of meconium stained amniotic fluid in the baby’s trachea can be indicative of fetal stress and hypoxia, which in the past would require suctioning to remove as it is known to cause respiratory distress and can be fatal (Ahanya et al. 2005). Historically, an iTaukei baby would be given candlenut juice from the Aleurites mollucana plant to induce vomiting of the ‘‘bad drink while in the womb’’ (Toganivalu 1911; Hocart 1912). Normally, newborns will physically pass meconium within 24 to 48hours of birth. Delays beyond this can be life threatening to the baby’s health (Buonpane et al. 2019), which could be the reason why sighting of first excrement in the past was celebrated with a feast. Other than two districts actively practicing MecPA, 150 (92%) never have, while nine have ceased. An example of the latter is Fulaga island in Lau province (Thompson 1940) where the practice has ceased. From community interviews, an elder in his sixties from Koroalau District in Vanua Levu, reported that MecPA was never a practice, despite Hocart (1952) reporting it as being the case in the past. In Naitasiri Province, an interviewee who was 10 years old in 1975, recalled his father explaining of a MecPA being implemented for their chief’s eldest son. Back then, leaves known as culugi were used for wrapping the Chief’s eldest son’s first excrement before placement at sea. That portion of the sea was then tabu for 100 nights. Since that time, the interviewee has not seen MecPA being implemented. One of the reasons provided was conflicts over chieftainship; the incumbent was not installed traditionally, which negated most rituals customarily accorded to a chief. Conversely, a Naitasiri informant explained that MecPAs are occasionally done today but only by those who have the traditional and financial resources. Where it is done, it is referred to as ‘wai ni dei xx’, or ‘water for xx’s meconium’ where xx is the child’s name.
Fiji -
Traditional knowledge in making musical instruments
There are many musical instruments in Kyrgyzstan. The most iconic is the komuz, a three-stringed instrument resembling a small guitar. The body of the komuz is made of a whole piece of apricot or juniper wood, and sometimes of walnut or redwood. The tool head of the instrument has three wooden hitch-pins to which ends of strings are attached. The other ends of strings go to a bridge located on the table (deque) right in front of the tone-hole. Mutton guts were used as strings until recent times. The length of komuz is no longer than 85- 90 sm. Alternatives of the tuning of komuz is one its unique features, which are, in their turn, linked with a chosen type of musical composition. It is played by hands. Kyl-kiyak (or kiyak) is a stringed instrument with a bow. It is made of the same woods as the komuz. The instrument has two strings. It is a ladle-shaped instrument with an open upper half; its lower part is covered with camel leather. The length of kiyak is no longer than 70 sm. Untwisted horsehair is used for strings and bow. The fiddle for the bow is made of a specific plant, meadowsweet. Temir komuz is a mouth plucking instrument made of the metal only (temir - metallic). It is U-shaped and 6-7 centimeters long. Materials used to make it are brass, bronze or copper. The metal reed is fixed in the middle of a “plug” of the instrument, which is held by fingers of the right hand. When played, temir komuz is held near the mouth, which is a natural resonator. The whole performing apparatus, including lips, voice box, hands, and even lungs of the musician, is used in each tone. Chopo-choor (clay chor) is an ancient wind instrument. At present, it is spread in a ceramic form and has a regular oblong shape of 20 centimeters in length and 8 centimeters in width. Performer holds it with lips and fingers holes that are arranged along the length of the instrument. Dobulbash is a national percussion instrument, representing one-sided drum, which is covered by the leather. Height of its corpus, which is cut out of a juniper, is no longer than 60 centimeters; diameter of the membrane, which is covered by camel’s leather, is 25-30 centimeters. Notes from the drum are elicited by the tail point of the Kyrgyz whip (kamchy) or palms. The instrument sounds loudly, resonantly, and lastingly.
Kyrgyzstan -
Buklog, thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen
Buklog is an elaborate thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen, which has several attendant rituals. It is noted for its elevated structure with a highly flexible platform, which serves as a sacred and social space for rituals and the community dance. It is open for all members of the community, and those outside the community are also welcomed in most of its rituals. The Buklog has mythic origins and is mentioned in age-old epics. Until today, it performs both communal and integrative functions. The Subanen’s economic, social, political, cultural and ritual lives intertwine to constitute a single system, motivated by shared tenets of cultural survival —consulting the spirits, working with nature, and sharing with others. The Buklog is planned by the head of a host family, usually a village chief called ‘timuay,’ to appease and express gratitude to the spirits for many reasons such as a bountiful harvest, recovery from sickness or calamity, or acknowledgement of a new leader. The Subanen’s deep sense of spirituality is affirmed in the Buklog, where a representation of Dwata Magbabaya, the supreme god, as Apu Usog (the great ancestor), joins the community. The attendant rituals ensure harmony among members of a family, clan and the community, as well as among the human, natural, and spirit worlds. Harmony is requisite to the success of the Buklog, an indication of a socially cohesive community. The attendant rituals are the ‘sinulampong,’ which signifies the community’s readiness to hold the Buklog and to ask permission from the spirits to gather materials from the forest; the ‘sangat’, to maintain the balance in the spirit world through coin offerings; the ‘panmalwasan,’ where spirits of the departed are invited to the feast; and the ‘gampang’ and ‘gilet,’ to invoke spirits of the water and land. ‘Giloy,’ chants of praise; music; and dance are performed all throughout the ritual system, functioning not only for entertainment, but to embody the aesthetic aspects of Subanen life and to substantiate their spirituality. The community then starts the construction of an elevated wooden structure called the Buklog, where the system derives its name. At the center of the platform, a single pole called ‘petaw’ is installed to hit a hollowed-out log called ‘dulugan.’ While dancing on the flexible platform, the structure resonates with a sound believed to please the spirits and signify the culmination of the festivity. The ‘dulugan’ is the Buklog’s musical icon and serves as aural embodiment of Subanen’s cosmology. The final ritual of the Buklog, called ‘giti-an,’ is done on the platform, where the rules for the celebration are expressed and the spirits start to commune with the people. This is followed by a community dance called ‘gbat’, a moment marked by joy and excitement resulting from the renewal of spiritual and social relationships within the community. All community members, regardless of age, gender, social status, education, and level of mental and physical capability, are encouraged to join the rituals and festivity, which last for several days. Through the Buklog, the Subanen indigenous secret knowledge is respected, preserved and transmitted. The ritual system remains the most compelling cultural marker of the Subanen’s individual and collective identity and the strongest unifying force of the community.
Philippines 2019 -
Silver Carving of the Hmong
The profession plays an important role in their lives because they often use silver as an amulet and are involved in many rituals. The profession requires ingenuity and meticulousness. To create products, artisans have to go through many sophisticated stages. Tool set includes: blower, furnace, crucible, casting mold, hammer, pliers, anvil and chisels. The material is Indochinese silver coin (flower spread). How to identify and choose silver requires own experience. Professionals are persistent, industrious and creative. Crafting process: kiln burning, silver smelting, molding, shape making, pattern carving and remodeling, polishing. Products include all kinds of rings, necklaces, suitable for the situation, gender and nature of use. In the process of practicing, they have rituals to worship.
Viet Nam -
Customs and rituals related to marriage
Soiko saluu Soiko saluu is an engagement ritual when the young man’s parents and relatives pay visit to the young lady’s house to make a proposal. The groom’s family gives engagement earrings to the bride and bride price to her family called kalyn. Bride price is considered as a gratitude to her parents for raising a woman who will become a wife and mother of future husband’s children. The bride’s side prepares dowry, which includes various household items needed for a newly formed family. It includes felt carpets, cushions, matrasses, etc. Kyz uzatuu Kyz uzatuu is a ritual of seeing off a bride when groom’s party comes to take her to the groom’s house. This ritual takes place before the wedding ceremony. This ritual is conducted by bride’s family and friends. There is also a ritual called arkan tartuu. When the groom’s party is coming to take away the bride, bride’s friends pull the rope across the rope, thus, symbolically blocking the way to the bride’s house. The groom’s party gives gifts and money to people holding ropes, thus, earning a right to pass forward. Nike kyiyuu Nike kyiyuu is the main wedding ceremony. A cup of water is prepared for this ritual. Some sugar is added to water and sometimes a silver coin is placed at the bottom of the cup. After reciting verses from Quran, the newly-wed couple drinks water from the cup. The meaning of sharing water is that a couple agrees to live through thick and thin, life’s ups and downs together. When drinking water, the bride and groom make a wish to be pure as water and live long and happily. By adding sugar, they wish to have a sweet life and coin stands for prosperity. Water is a symbol of purity, eternity and sacredness; that is why it is used in a wedding ceremony. Kyrgyz wedding feasts are big. The number of guests vary depending on family’s income. Nowadays, wedding is done in various styles but all of them have abovementioned traditional rituals. Otko kirgizuu According to Kyrgyz traditions, a newly-wed bride cannot go visit houses of grooms neighbors, relatives and friends. That is why the latter invite the newly-wed bride and her husband to their house. This ritual is called otko kirgizuu. The purpose of this ritual is to get acquainted with a new daughter-in-law. A daughter-in-law can go to this ritual with her husband, mother-in-law or other close relatives. When a bride enters the house, she is supposed to bow to the hosts. The newly-wed bride helps pouring tea and serving food as if she was in her house. The hosts give her their blessings and a gift such as dish set, garment, etc. Only after that, a newly-wed bride can freely come to this house and help around during feasts and rituals. After some time after wedding, the newly-wed bride goes to visit her own family. This visit is called torkuloo. She does not go home on her own but rather with her husband and parents-in-law. There are smaller rituals done within this big ritual. This is considered as otko kirgizuu for the newly-wed groom. Despite the changes happening in a modern society, every custom and a ritual reflects the essence of Kyrgyz people and their culture. These rituals highlight the sanctity of family values and transmitted from generation to generation without coming at odds with current worldviews of Kyrgyz people.
Kyrgyzstan