Inscribed in 2014 (9.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nongak is a fusion performing art genre that combines a percussion ensemble (with occasional use of wind instruments), parading, dancing, drama, and acrobatic feats. It has been practiced for various purposes, such as appeasing gods, chasing evil spirits and seeking blessings, praying for a rich harvest in spring, celebrating the harvest at autumn festivals, fund-raising for community projects, and professional entertainment. Any joyful community event was never complete without uproarious music and dance performed by the local band clad in colorful costumes. The resultant ecstatic excitement (sinmyeong) is often defined as a preeminent emotional characteristic of Korean people. The music frequently uses uneven beats of complex structures like simple three-time, compound time, and simple and compound time. Small hand-held gongs and hourglass drums, with their metal and leather sounds, play the main beats, while large gongs and barrel drums create simple rhythmic accents. The small hand-held drum players focus more on dancing than playing music. Dancing includes individual skill demonstrations, choreographic formations, and streamer dances. Actors wearing masks and peculiar outfits perform funny skits. Acrobatics include dish spinning and miming antics by child dancers carried on the shoulders of adult performers. Nongak was most often performed and enjoyed by grassroots people, but there were also professional groups putting on entertainment shows. In recent years, professional repertoires have evolved into the percussion quartet “Samul Nori” and the non-verbal theatrical show “Nanta,” dramatically emphasizing the music element and thereby appealing to broader audiences at home and from abroad.

South Korea 2014

Literally meaning a “play ground”, Gầu Tào is often hosted by three families of the same blood line or by marriage. The festival takes place at the Gầu Tào hill from the 2nd to the 4th days in the first lunar month. A ritual master will be invited by the families to help carry out the ritual ceremonies. Some of the important rituals are cutting a bamboo tree and erecting it as the ritual pole. After cutting the bamboo, the ritual master ties two black and one red pieces of hemp fabric onto the tree’s top as a symbol for communal solidarity and invitation of ancestors to the festival. He will also attach one wine container made from gourd fruit and three small bundles of rice flower as symbol for fortune and luck, and a bunch of sưi fern plant as fecundity before erecting the pole, facing East for the three-day festival. The ritual master will do chanting, while making offerings before erecting the ritual pole. Members of the family will sing traditional ritual songs during these rituals. During the festival, there are games and performances, especially khèn music and dances, which the village members and visitors can take part in. On the last day, ending the festival, the ritual master holds an umbrella walking counterclockwise around the ritual pole while singing khâu dìn sê (descending the ritual pole). The bamboo pole is later used make bed and the linen to make baby clothes as a wish for good luck.

The forest worshiping ceremony of the Red Yao people is held on the 2nd day of the second lunar month every year. This is a traditional ceremony with the participation of all people in the village after they have finished planting the crop. The master of ceremonies is the main shaman and 3 assistant shamans and assistants. Early in the morning of the 2nd day, priests and representatives of households bring offerings, necessary items, firewood, and fire to the sacred forest to perform the ceremony. Everyone cleans up the place where the worship ceremony is held. After that, the priests burned incense, offered offerings, and invited the forest god and other gods to receive the offerings. Offerings include 2 black pigs (each weighing about 30 kg), 3 roosters, wine (poured into five cups), incense, and paper. The worshiping ceremony is performed twice: raw worshiping and cooked worshiping. Before worshiping, the main shaman blows the conch and takes offering books to perform the rituals. The purpose of these rituals is to worship the gods, land gods, tree gods, mountain gods, stream gods, and forest gods, praying for people to be healthy, peaceful, and lush crops, for domestic animals to grow quickly. After the worshiping ceremony, all participants will receive blessings on the spot. All regulations on the protection of forbidden forests in particular and forest protection in general are announced to everyone by the shaman and village head so that they can clearly understand and convey to family members such as not being allowed to cut down trees or build trees. housing, hunting... in forbidden forests, we must be conscious of planting trees, preventing forest fires, and developing the forest economy. The humane meaning of the festival is to help educate the community about love for nature, respect, and preservation of their own living environment.

The founder of the Thẩm Rộc puppet troupe is Mr. Ma Quang Bằng (ie Ma Công Bằng). Initially, the puppet set had 5-6 puppets, including 2 male and female puppets with a play/collection of father puppets and mother puppets. During the reign of Mr. Ma Quang Lai, the puppet set increased to 33 with images of mandarins, farmers, buffaloes, dogs, dragons, cranes, horses, geckos, etc. All puppets are shaped in association with aesthetic concepts in The art of painting worship paintings of the Tày people. Most puppets are controlled by bamboo sticks attached to the character's body, head, arms, and legs. The material used to make the puppet is "squid rope" wood. Shallow puppet performance tools include a black canvas stretched up as a stage, musical instruments (string, flute) along with teachings, and the skillful hands of the artist. While the men control the puppets, the women play the zither, sing the keys, and read the characters' lines. Teachings are often rhymed texts. The puppet's performing movements simulate the daily activities and productive labor of the Tày community. There are 16 stories recorded in Nôm Tày Writing. But currently, the puppet troupe can only perform 5 acts, because the remaining acts do not fit the context. The most typical performance of Tày land puppetry is the "tree climber catching gecko" trick. Land puppets are performed by the puppet troupe on holidays throughout the year such as Lunar New Year, Field Festival, etc.

In the life cycle rituals of the Raglai people, the Grave-abandoning Ritual is considered the most important ritual. The Grave-abandoning Ritual is performed from the third to the fifth year. It is usually held around March and April of the solar calendar, for 3-5 days, with the meaning of farewell to the dead forever according to the Raglai people's concept. The scale of the festival is large, attracting the whole village and many other villages to participate. Depending on the economic conditions and local customs, they make it big or small. For large Grave-abandoning Ritual, there is usually a Kagor - a symbol of wealth and prosperity that the living make to give to the dead. An offering in the shape of a boat, beautifully and elaborately carved. The offerings and items used in the Grave-abandoning Ritual are usually prepared by the deceased's family months in advance, including 3 trays of offerings: Tray 1: Chicken, rice, wine, 1 pair of chopsticks; Tray 2: Pig head, boiled pig liver, boiled chicken, rice, wine, bananas...; Tray 3: Chicken, rice, wine, meat... According to custom, in the Grave-abandoning Ritual, there must be 3 shamans, symbolizing the three parts of the body: head, body, feet. The main shaman always stands in the middle of two other people, called Yanuh jalat (the person who shows the way, shows food, drinks... to the ghost). The "magic stick" (gai toah) is made from the day someone dies, and only now does Yanuh jalat use it. In addition to the ritual, the Grave-abandoning Ritual includes beating gongs, stabbing buffaloes, dancing, singing, and drinking rice wine to celebrate the soul of the deceased. This ceremony involves the contributions of everyone in the Raglai clan and community. The Raglai Grave-abandoning Ritual expresses the feelings and responsibilities of the living towards the dead, at the same time expressing gratitude to grandparents, filial piety to parents, and the close-knit relationship between the village and the neighborhood. With its typical value, the Grave-abandoning Ritual of the Raglai people in Phuoc Chien commune, Thuan Bac district, Ninh Thuan province was included in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018 by the Minister of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

Durga Puja marks the ten-day worship of the Hindu mother-goddess Durga. Durga appears in her divine incarnation as ‘Mahishahuramardini’ – a goddess created by the gods to kill the demon, Mahishasura. This image of the demon-slaying goddess is coupled in Bengal with her image as divine mother and daughter, who descends annually from her husband Shiva’s home in the Himalayas to her parents’ home on earth, accompanied by her four children, Ganesh, Kartick, Lakshmi and Saraswati. The worship of the goddess begins with the inaugural day of Mahalaya, when the clay images have life invoked in them through the painting of the eyes, and ends on the tenth day of Bijoya Dashami, when the images are immersed in the river. Durga Puja is the best instance of the public performance of religion and art in the city. It witnesses a celebration of craftsmanship, cross-cultural transactions and cross-community revelry. The manner in which the festival is enmeshed in a web of competition and consumption, accelerated by the winning of accolades, secures its secular identity, embedding it in the contemporary global cultures of touring, spectacle, and entertainment. The exemplary character of Durga Puja lies in its ability to not temporally bound itself to the ritual occasion. Its dynamism lies in it being a constantly mutating event – in its fusion of tradition with changing tastes and popular cultures, and in the adaptation of the iconographies of Durga and the styles of her temporary abodes to cater to new regimes of art production.

India 2021

Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art expressed through the ritual dance of performers with masks of a deity on their faces, accompanied by instrumental music such as rhythms of big drums, in order to receive the blessings of a deity. The music for this Kagura is played by a big drum, small cymbals, and a flute along with songs. The stage is approximately 3.6 m2 large, and players of a big drum and cymbals seat themselves at the centre front of the stage with their backs toward the audience. A tapestry approximately 2 meters high is hung at the back, behind which is a dressing room. There are one to five dancers, depending on the piece. They appear onto the stage, lifting up the lower edge of a tapestry. The transmitted repertoire consists of approximately seventy pieces, composed of ritual dances, one featuring deities as protagonists, one with a theme of the Japanese legends of ancient time or war chronicles of medieval time, and one of a shishi (a lion-like imaginary animal), i.e. the deity of the Hayachine Shrine itself. This one-day Kagura begins with six ritual dances, then approximately five dances expressing a deity as a protagonist or telling some stories, and finally ends with the dance of a shishi deity. As a whole, the content is meant to demonstrate the majesty of the deity of the Hayachine Shrine and to bless the people. Hayachine Kagura has over seventy pieces in its transmitted repertoire, and its dances, together with characteristic music, are considered very beautiful. Hayachine Kagura is cultural heritage transmitted to the present day from the fourteenth or fifteenth century by the people who worshipped the Hayachine Shrine. Designated by the Government as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1975, it is currently recognized as one element of important cultural heritage which widely reflects the transition of the Japanese life style. For a while after its beginning, Hayachine Kagura was transmitted and performed only by holy officers of the Hayachine Shrine. From the late seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, however, those holy officers also transmitted it to neighbouring farmers and townsmen, and gradually performed it together. Iwate Prefecture, where the Hayachine Shrine is located, is a cold region, and life was difficult there. the local people worshipped Mt. Hayachine as a deity and wished for a better and more secure life, relying upon the power of a deity. In order to meet their expectations, the bearers of Hayachine Kagura regularly visited communities, taking with them a shishi’s head as a symbol of the power of the deity Hayachine, and blessed the people by demonstrating the power of the deity through the performance of kagura. In the early twentieth century it ceased to be performed in many communities. Currently, however, it has been transmitted from elder to younger generations by local people of two communities at Ohsako Town in Hanamaki City, Iwate Prefecture, and is performed on the eve and on the day of the Great Festival of the Hayachine Shrine on August 1st every year, which venerates nature, including Mt. Hayachine. Hayachine Kagura is regarded as part of the excellent and distinctive culture of which the group of bearers and people in the transmitting communities are proud in relation to groups of other communities and societies. To transmit Hayachine Kagura and display it to the public is, for the transmitting group and community, to reconfirm a sense of identity with its own group and society and also to contribute to the continuity of such a group and community. Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art transmitted for a long time and still performed by ordinary Japanese people. The repertoire is derived from Japanese history and traditional culture, such as the Legend of Japan and war chronicles, and reflects the Japanese sense of performing arts. Moreover, the Japanese concept of deity and nature is seen in the background of the transmission and performance of Hayachine Kagura. Thus, Hayachine Kagura reflects the history, culture, and climate of Japan and still has significant meaning from a social and cultural point of view. In addition, the transmitters are eager to transmit Hayachine Kagura to the future through the performance which they have inherited from their own ancestors.

Japan 2009

Carpentry of Kim Bồng is a traditional craft that was formed around the 15th century, associated with the migration of residents from the Northern Delta and Thanh Nghệ Tĩnh. Carpentry includes groups of occupations: construction carpentry, household carpentry, fine art carpentry and boat building carpentry. Sophisticated manual techniques of carving, engraving, closing, chiseling, chiseling, drilling, cutting... combined with natural materials: wood, bamboo... have created unique products with their own identity: houses, boats, tables, chairs, wooden cabinets, Buddha statues, boats... Carpentry of Kim Bồng festival is held on January 12 every year to pay tribute to the ancestors and founders of the profession at Tiền Hiền communal house. Each work created by Kim Bồng carpentry artisans has special artistic value and value for the traditional craft village, while affirming the special values ​​that Kim Bong carpentry brings to the community and society.

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Korea and the rest of East Asia, engaged in rice farming for several millennia, have formed a rice culture that can be compared to the wheat culture of Europe. Ganggangsullae is one of the most representative seasonal rituals of Korea’s rice farming culture, which permeates nearly every aspect of life among Koreans. Ganggangsullae gives hints about the origins of recreational music and dance emblematic of the Korean peninsula, as it used to be widely performed in the southwestern coastal region of the peninsula and is closely linked to inland circle dances accompanying music, including Notdari Bapgi (Walking Over a Human Bridge) and Wolwoli Cheongcheong (Moon, Moon, Radiant Moon). A combination of various recreational elements based on the basic form of holding hands to form a circle while singing and dancing, Ganggangsullae has been named as such since the refrain “ganggangsullae,” whose exact meaning is unknown, is repeated with every bar. It was originally performed by unmarried youngsters aged between 15 and 20, and sometimes allowing the participation of recently married youngsters. But, when it was designated as a state cultural heritage the community members, largely women in their 40s or 50s, rendered the performance. Since then, Ganggangsullae has been handed down by middle-aged female members of the community, displaying proficient skills, rather than the creative vividness and dynamics of youngsters when they perform it. Traditionally, Ganggangsullae was performed on Korea’s representative seasonal occasions, including Seol (the lunar New Year), Daeboreum (the first full moon day of the year), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth lunar month), Baekjung (the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month), Chuseok (the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month), and Junggu (the ninth day of the ninth lunar month), with the one on Chuseok being the largest. As such, Ganggangsullae has been developed into a performance most commonly conducted on Chuseok (Korea’s Thanksgiving). Under the bright full moon, dozens of young village women hold hands to form a circle and sing and dance. While the sun symbolizes men, and the moon, women, and women’s physical features are represented by a round shape, Ganggangsullae assumes the characteristics of the law of imitation, one of the laws of magic, reflecting primitive aesthetics. Because the dancing is strenuous, only young women are allowed to perform, but it is also their privilege as women of child-bearing age. Ganggangsullae is a ballad dance unique to Korea. The songs are poems written by ordinary people and a lead singer set the pace. Fellow performers follow the lead with the next lines in a song. Besides folklore and folk dance, folk music is also incorporated in the performance as traditional Korean music instruments such as a drum and an hour-glass shaped drum accompany the dance, adding to the entertainment. Ganggangsullae is so exciting and dynamic that participants often lose themselves and end up performing from the early evening when the moon rises until the moon sets. Depending on the tempo set by the lead singer, the music is categorized into gin (slow) Ganggangsullae, jung (middle) Ganggangsullae, and jajeun (quick) Ganggangsullae. The tempo of the dancers’ movement also varies according to the music. During interludes, games reflecting life in farm or fishing village are played. They include imitating the Korean terrapin (one person goes into the circle to dance and the next comes in and imitates her), gathering brackens, tying herrings, treading on roof tiles, rolling and unrolling straw mats, catching a mouse (picking the tail), playing gatekeepers, riding palanquins, and looking for a handkerchief. The archetype of Ganggangsullae is found from agricultural folk customs of Mahan, a Korean state that existed 2,000 years ago, according to ancient Chinese historical texts. In the history of man, it is not common to see an intangible cultural heritage handed down for such a long time. This long transmission of Ganggangsullae implies that expectations for the role of women both in the society and in the family have continued for such a long time as well. Traditional Korean society was male centered, and young women were not allowed to sing aloud or go out at night. On Chuseok, however, women could freely sing and enjoy outdoor amusements under the full moon, venting their long-suppressed emotions through Ganggangsullae. The festival guaranteed women a chance to break away from usual restrictions and enjoy the festive mood. Throughout its history, Ganggangsullae also had other functions. It is said that in 1592, Admiral Lee Sun-sin had women perform Ganggangsullae at night around a fire. The flickering shadows fooled the invading Japanese into overestimating the size of Lee’s forces, who ultimately prevailed. Also, listening carefully to the song verses, one can notice that there are many lines criticizing the society. In particular, the words written under the Japanese colonial rule reflect the Koreans’ resistance to the occupation forces. Ganggangsullae is rarely performed in today’s rural villages since most young women have left for cities. But thanks to its national designation as an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage and state-level cultural and educational policies, Ganggangsullae has spread outside its traditional base in the southwestern region of the Korean peninsula. Today, Ganggangsullae is part of the music curriculum of elementary schools and is performed at many secondary schools and universities as well as public festivals across the country. In recent years, research has been conducted regarding the application of Ganggangsullae in the field of art therapy. Ganggangsullae is expected to help those suffering from psychological problems such as depression. Also, new possibilities are being explored as an alternative therapy to help obese women lose their weight and as a means to enhance the well-being of lonely senior citizens.

South Korea 2009

The Thái people in Mường So, Phong Thổ, Lai Châu have over 30 Xoè dances, but all of them originate from six ancient Xoè dances: Khắm khăn mơi lảu (raising a scarf to invite wine), Phá xí (bottle), Đổn hôn (back and forth), Nhôm scarf (toss the scarf), Ỏ lọm tốp mư (circle of applause) and Khắm khen (holding hands). In addition to fan Xòe dances, scarf Xòe dances, hat Xòe dances, and music fruit Xòe dances, Thái people also have many dances named after events, content, and props, such as xòe chan khon, xòe kếp phắc, xòe kếp bók, etc. Xòe here also originates from the songs and dances associated with thirty-six farewell songs to Then (Heaven). However, the unique features of Xòe in Lai Châu are associated with the White Thai community. Mường So, Phong Thổ is the cradle of famous Xoè dances and Xoè dances in history, associated with the "Thái kings" of the Đèo family. The "Xòe Đèo Team" with hundreds of beautiful and talented girls once went to France to perform. Many Xòe dances associated with props have become "trademarks" of Thái Xòe here such as Xỏong, fans, scarves, and hats. The rhythm of stepping up, forward, backward, holding hands to form an inner circle, the outer circle and inner circle walking parallel, the outer circle and the inner circle going back and forth are the unique features of the community here. Accompaniment instruments in ancient Xòe include 1 drum, 2 gongs, and 1 cymbal. Xoe dance rhythm has 3 repeating melodies symbolizing 3 souls: heaven, earth, and humans. In the middle of the Xòe circle of the ancient Thái people, there was erected a trimmed pole - the tree of all things, on the tree hung the shapes of land and water animals, the moon and the sun, woven from bamboo or carved from wood. At night, you can spread around the fire - the fire is both the center of the spreading circle and provides light for spreading at night. Xoè dance helps people forget the fatigue of everyday life so that after the Xoè festival, returning to everyday life, people love work and life more.

Viet Nam 2021

The Xăng Khan Ritual is a day to thank ancestors, thank shamans for teaching them how to prescribe medicine, cure people and thank the gods of the Thai people in Nghe An province. The Xăng Khan Ritual (also known as Kin chiêng boóc mạy) takes place in almost all districts of Nghe An province, including: Que Phong, Quy Chau, Quy Hop, Tuong Duong, Ky Son, Con Cuong, Nghia Dan districts. Xăng Khan Ritual is held every 3 to 5 years, around the 11th and 12th lunar months or in spring at the shamans' houses. Today Xăng Khan Ritual takes place for 1 day and 1 night. The offerings prepared for the Xăng Khan Ritual include: pig's head, rice wine, grilled fish, rice bowl, egg, sword, wine cup, wine bottle, betel and areca... and the indispensable item in the festival is the flower tree (Boóc Mạy tree), made from the trunk of an old bamboo tree or reed tree, 4m long, with many holes carved into many layers, dyed in many different colors such as: green, red, purple, yellow, strung together and beautifully decorated with many patterns and motifs. The flower tree is an important symbol of the Xăng Khan Ritual. Next to the flower tree is a nine-story tower, made from a bamboo frame, tied with silk threads of many different colors. After fully preparing the items, the shamans begin the ceremony by praying to invite the Mường Gods to come down to earth to receive the blessings that the people give, and eat the offerings that the people bring. The Xăng Khan Festival has many rituals, ceremonies and many performances and fun games. After each ritual (such as: eating the tang tree's intestines, welcoming the spathe, washing hair, opening ceremony, erecting the flower tree, offering to the ghosts...), there is a performance illustrating the content of that ritual. The shamans and the villagers dance around the flower tree (Boóc Mạy tree) to simulate the actions of the gods and ghosts in that ritual with many unique performances such as: Dancing, jumping on the bamboo poles, singing nhuon, singing xuoi, carving the beds, beating gongs, knocking boong bu, blowing the panpipes... At the end of the ritual, the host directly picks flowers to give to everyone, each flower is a reward symbolizing luck in life. After that, not only the villagers but also visitors from all over the world dance together, blending with the sounds of gongs, drums, rattling the beds, and beating the pipes symbolizing thunder, rain, and fertility with the wish for a bountiful harvest. The Xăng Khan Ritual contributes to satisfying the needs of daily life and cultural enjoyment, especially spiritual culture of the indigenous Thai community. The Xăng Khan Ritual has deep historical value, closely associated with the formation and development of the Thai ethnic group, creating a distinct cultural identity. With its typical value, the Xăng Khan Ritual of the Thai people in Nghe An was included in the list of National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2017.