Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

Chinese calligraphy is an artistic practice that, while fulfilling the practical function of information exchange through writing Chinese characters with brushes, ink, and paper as the main tools and materials, conveys human contemplation of nature, society and life and thus reflects the unique character, spirit, temperament, interest, and philosophy of the Chinese people through special graphic symbols and writing rhythms. Along with the appearance and evolution of Chinese characters, Chinese calligraphy has developed for more than 3,000 years and become a symbol of Chinese culture. In its development, calligraphy has developed a complete set of theories and skills. The art has enjoyed orderly propagation and continuous development through personal instruction and documented records, and presented distinct features in correspondence the change of time and alteration of tools and materials. Chinese history has produced a large number of prestigious calligraphers, such as Wang Xizhi (303-361 A.D.), Yan Zhenqing (709-785 A.D.), and Su Shi (1037-1101 A.D.).

China 2009

Aytim (Couplets) is a small form of performing art used mostly by mothers while speaking with babies. Couplets are quite important in bringing up good aesthetic taste in children, introducing them to good, real. This is like appeals to the baby in song form, which he will remember for life. Naturally, Aytim contributes to the formation of hearing, the recognition of sounds and rhythms. It also has a hidden connect with the mother's soul.

Chun-di-ru is an indigenous song of Choekhorling community that is revered as part of the cultural identity of the south-eastern Bhutanese community. Oral tradition traces the practice to the establishment of monarchy system in Bhutan. Since the content of the lyrics praises he ornaments worn by Azhi (Queen) Sonam Tshotsho. Sources recollect that the song was said to originate from either Bumthang or Trongsa, then the capital city of Bhutan in early 1900s. The song is similar to a Zhung-dra (an indigenous folk song) which is normally danced in a standing position with women forming a single row, though men can also participate in the dance if they choose. While there is no specific platform to showcase the song, locals say it is performed in all community ceremonies as well as for visiting guests. The song had been neither documented nor the lyrics written down until recently. The tradition has been transmitted orally, making it an endangered cultural element since elders have witnessed youth paying less interest and rarely participating. The song is listed as a performing art. Chondi-ru is one of few indigenous songs that represents and identity of Choekhorling community within Choekhorling Gewog (block), Nganglam Dungkhag, in Pemagatshel Dzongkhag (district) of southeast Bhutan. The song has a historical connection passed down as orally from forefathers to the present generation. According to oral accounts, the song originated from Bumthang or Trongsa during the First King Ugyen Wangchuck’s reign. Supposedly, the song composed by Armo (maid) Her Majesty’s attendant who offered her baby to Her Majesty by praising her splendid ornaments she was wearing. Since then, the song was preformed and sung widely by the attendants, as well as by business men and commoners. Tax collectors and traders are assumed to have carried the existence of the song and its performance to communities. The song has since completely disappeared from folk recollections of Bumthang and Trongsa. Judging by the song’s lyric and comparing it to other songs of various nearby communities: of Trashigang district and Martshala under Samdrub Chholing Dungkhag, Samdrupjongkhar district; the Chundri-ru lyric has a mixture of classical Bhutanese language Dzongkha, and some typical Tshangla language terms used for ornaments, the tune is quite distinctive as well. Besides the Chundi-ru song, there are also a few old songs which fall under the classification of Boe-dra (folk song) and Zhung-dra (the indigenous folk song) of spiritual, enjoyment, praise and romantic content.

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

Gendang Melayu Sarawak is a combination of music, songs and dance inherited by the Sarawak Malay community. During a performance the women take their places behind a batik curtain to separate them from the men who sit in front of the curtain at their own leisure. The performance starts with dances performed by the group in pairs. They sing and exchange quatrains. Sometimes the dancers cover their faces with batik sarongs to conceal their identities. Commonly used musical instruments are the drum, violin, accordion and gong. Hitting the centre of the ‘gendang’ produces the ‘pak’ sound, and ‘pung’ is achieved along the edge. The clashing or combination of the ‘pak’ and ‘pung’ is what creates the unmistakable rhythm of ‘gendang Melayu’ Sarawak (Sarawak Malay drum) which typically accompanies hours of ‘joget’ numbers sung by the ‘Seh Gendang’. The lyrics of the songs are in the form of traditional or impromptu ‘pantun’ (poems). It is customary for celebrators to dance (‘nopeng’ or ‘bertandak’) to the songs, hence the terms ‘penopeng’ or ‘penandak’. A verse of ‘pantun’ usually has four lines consisting of alternating, roughly rhyming lines. The first and second lines (‘barisan pembayang’) sometimes appear completely disconnected in meaning from the third and fourth (‘barisan maksud’), but there is almost invariably a link of some sort. In addition, the ‘pantun’ normally repeats the second and the fourth couplet to beautify the melodies. This event’s main purpose is to have fun but, indirectly, it provides opportunities for youths to seek for their future life partners. Gendang Melayu Sarawak is performed during wedding feasts, prayer and circumcision ceremonies, as well as folks festivals. Gendang Melayu Sarawak was recognised as a National Heritage in 2012.

Falak is a traditional folklore music genre of the Tajik people. Falak means «heaven, fortune or universe». The structure of Falak is most often in one section and can form an interlude within a performance. The quatrains or couplet sung by the falak-singers are emotionally expressive and are rich with the philosophy and expressions of destitution of human life.

Tajikistan 2021