The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.

Mongolia 2010

The Limbe is one of the ancient musical wind instruments of nomadic Mongolians. The limbe is a side-blown wind instrument, mostly made of hard wood or bamboo. It is considered as one of the valuable traditional musical instruments among Mongolians for its unique technique and characteristics such as producing euphonical melody, melisma, hidden tune associated with circular breathing, and its performing techniques of skillful and delicate movements of fingers and tongue. Over the long historic development of Limbe performance, Mongolians have created the unique technique of playing Limbe using circular breathing. Circular breathing technique of the Limbe performance is closely interconnected with the traditional mentality of Mongolians, traditional folk long song and the vast steppe. The circular breathing technique of the Limbe Performance comprehensively corresponds to the characteristics of the melody of Mongolian folk long song, particularly adequate for performing the folk long song with prolonged and melodic tune for its entire duration without any pause. Limbe is one of the main instruments that perform unilaterally the melodies of traditional folk long song or accompany its performance. While performing a folk long song, it is customary for Limbe performers to use the technique of circular breathing. Limbe has the ability to comprehensively express and support the manifestation of folk long song, its slow pace and expansive wide ranging flow of melody. Its continuous melody serves as a support during the singer's pause for inhaling and thus enriches the song's melody as well. 'Bituu amisgaa' means 'hidden circle of breathing'. Performing with circular breathing is a complex technique of uninterruptedly continuing the activity of expelling the air stored in a mouth cavity to play the melody and at the same time inhaling air into the lungs through the nose and transferring it to the mouth cavity. The distinctiveness of the technique to circular breathe lies in the ability of intentionally changing the normal way or process of breathing, thus creating the circular bond of continuous air flow by inhaling and exhaling simultaniously. The first step in mastering this technique of Limbe performance is to learn in the ability to inhale gently neither stopping the flow of blowing nor interrupting its tone of melody. The second step is to learn to play the Limbe with the ability to completely express the melody of traditional folk long song, its manifestation, phylosophical view by perfectly possessing the technique of producing ornamentation, coloratura, melismaa and shurankhai (falsetto) which requires one's true endeavours and hard work, talent and sense of acoustics. In this sense, it can be concluded that the element ""Folk long song performance technique of Limbe performers – Circular breathing"" finds its true form or fulfilled from within the inseparable interconnection of circular breathing technique of the Limbe and its performance of folk long song. The ""Circular breathing"" is a great achievement of nomadic Mongolians derived from their creativity, result of the exploration and necessity of their daily life. The origin and development of circular breathing is closely bound up with the skills and knowledge of ancient craftsmen or metalsmiths who specialized in gold and silver. Early Mongolian craftsmen used circular breathing techniques for crafting various decorative and ornamental items including valuable jewelries. In crafting such items, craftsmen were required to blow continuously to the flame through a pipe with needle like hole, in order to make the hard metal melt or soften. In that regards, the craftsmen had to blow gently to the flame through the pipe bitten in their mouth, continuing as long as possible. From such necessity of lifestyle, craftsmen have mastered the technique of circular breathing, creating a circular-like cycle of breathing, simultaneously inhaling through their nose while blowing without any pauses. It can be considered that the introduction of the circular breathing technique by craftsmen in the art of Limbe was a new and productive invention in its performing technique. The traditional method of learning the simultanious act of inhaling and exhaling has a coherent sets of training forms, ranging from elementary to advanced which include continuous blowing act at a candle light or a flame without extinguishing it and blowing through a straw into a glass of water. The technique of circular breathing performance of the Limbe has valuable significance that could equally be practiced for other wooden wind instruments (Mongolian traditional wind instruments: Bishguur, Byalar, Hornpipe; non traditional: Clarinet, Saxophone, Oboe, etc.) and is an outstanding example of musical performing techniques created by humanity, consituting one of the distinctive forms of intangible cultural heritage in need of urgent safeguarding. This traditional element of ""Folk long song performance technique of the Limbe performers-Circular breathing"" has been handed down by and preserved among renowned Limbe performers: L.Tserendorj, L.Maam, M.Dorj. Nowadays, the second generation apprentices of these well-known Limbe performers are the main bearers and holders of this traditional art. But the existing few number of these bearers of the element has become the biggest concern for its further viability. Currently, there is a high risk of possibility that the tradition of this element could dissappear from its existence. One of the factors causing the element to dissapear is inevitably the significance of decrease of current groups and individuals of artists and practitioners of traditional folklore in numbers and changes in the traditional repertoire. The main change of repertoire in traditional folklore has caused by the tendency to absorb classical or modern forms of view, and the predominance of western methodology in training system. Additionally, the intense globalization and urbanization changes are the factors causing to diminish the value and tendency towards intangible cultural heritage among general public, particularly among younger generations. Today, some of the urgent objectives for us are to promote, safeguard and transmit the element to the younger generations, to ensure its further existence and viability.

Mongolia 2011

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

Inscribed in 2012 (7.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nearly every Korean knows and enjoys singing Arirang, which is not just one song but a variety of local versions handed down throughout Korea. Experts estimate the total number of folk songs carrying the title ""Arirang"" at some 3,600 variations belonging to about 60 versions. Arirang is essentially a simple song, consisting of the universal refrain Arirang, arirang, arariyo, and lyrics that have developed differently from region to region. The most typical lines express a universal sentiment: Arirang, arirang, arariyo; Over the Arirang hill you go. (refrain) Leaving me, my love, you'd go lame before three miles. (lyrics) The lyrics were not created by any particular individual, but an outcome of collective contributions made by ordinary Koreans through generations. They convey joys and sorrows of common people arising from love, parting with the beloved, troublesome in-laws, or national struggle against foreign invaders. Affection for Arirang is evident throughout today's ultra-modern Korean culture, well beyond the realm of traditional music. Arirang has been rearranged into modern ballads, rock 'n roll and hip-hop, as well as symphonic pieces, appealing to a wide array of audiences and striking a chord with Koreans; it is often described as their unofficial national anthem. Olympic champion Kim Yu-na skated to an Arirang theme, ""Homage to Korea,"" at the 2011 World Figure Skating Championships. Arirang is also one of the most recognized cultural symbols and is widely used as a theme for movies, dramas and soap operas, and names of commodities, restaurants, and broadcasting companies.

South Korea 2012

Inscribed in 2018 (13.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As one of the popular Korean folk tradtion, ssireum is a type of wrestling in which two players wearing long fabric belts around their waists and one thigh grip their opponents' belt and employ various techniques to send the opponent to the ground. It is played on diverse occasions, including traditional holidays, market days, and festivals. Ssireum games occur on sand in any available space around a neighborhood, and are open to participation by community members of all ages, from children to seniors. The winner in the final game for adults is awarded an ox, which symbolises agricultural abundance, and the title of Jangsa. When the games are over, the Jangsa parades around the neighborhood riding the ox in celebration. The customary practice of providing an ox as a prize is meant to allow the winner to farm more effectively.

South Korea 2018

Boria is a traditional arts form that is very popular in northern Peninsular Malaysia, linked to the Karbala event that is the killing of Saidina Hussein, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad. Boria, meaning ‘a game of merriment’, was established in Penang Island in the 19th century. There are parties that claim that Boria was brought by the Indian Muslims into Malaya through business activities in the 19th century. Boria is an entertainment channel combining sketches and dances as well as poetic songs led by a singer called ‘Tukang Karang’, literally translated as ‘Storyteller’. A performance has two segments that are sketches and songs. The dialogues for sketches are full of advice and insinuation while comedy elements are considered important. During a performance sometimes the audience can interact with the actors. The musical instruments are not specific; more important is the musicians’ ability to play rhythms that can accompany the Tukang Karang’s song. Among the instruments are violin, oud, drum, accordion, harmonica and guitar, while commonly used props are lamp, flag, kris, umbrella, tall decorative flowers and walking stick. Previously Boria’s costume is resemblance of the Mamak (Indian-Muslim) ethnic; green belt with sarong and fez to maintain ethnic identity. This identity is experiencing evolution since the 1970s with its costume made uniformed using bright colours with sequin to portray merriment. Nowadays, Boria performances are greatly influenced by western, Hindustani and pop rhythms.

Traditional comic folksong accompanied with joyful melodies for dancing.

Kushtdepdi rite of singing and dancing is a performing art combining the genres of creative poetizing focused on good feelings and wishes, its singing with vocal improvisation and dancing with movements of hands, gestures and footsteps in accordance with the tune of the song. The element serves as a tool and a medium for conveying good wishes for happiness, mutual respect, solidarity, social cohesion to the wide public and youth. The element is considered as an inseparable part of child birth ceremonies, wedding ceremonies and national celebrations. Its introductory part starts with singing poetic words of best wishes for well-being, happiness and sermon for the youth to keep close ties with elders that is performed by a seated group of respected women dressed in traditional costumes. Its next stage continues with inviting performers to start the rite and then the performance is led by singing of a couple of poetry singers (traditionally a woman and a man) with dances to the accompaniment of songs in a semi-closed or closed circles. Dancing movements start with three steps on right foot and then simultaneously tramping and clapping which are intended to drive maleficence and misfortune away from the future life. The element is performed at the end of events concluding in a positive note as a prayer to the nature for fertility, procreation, solidarity and peace.

Turkmenistan 2017

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.

Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016

In Khorasan of today a special music known as the music of “Bakhshis” is widespread. It is played by a master-musician playing Dotār (the regional long-lute type instrument with two strings). The music constitutes the local music of the region, played as solo, and accompanied by improvisations. Bakhshis sing epic and Sufic poems, containing mythological and historical themes. Presently, they perform in various gatherings of the locals, both cheerful and mourning; in the past other types of celebrations were attended by them, too. They perform their Maghams in Turkish, Kurdish, Turcoman and Persian. The contents the music of Bakhshis consists of legends, and historical and ethnic narrations containing epic, religious and romantic themes, performed as singing, ordinary speech, and citation in a repetitious manner. The events of the story are cited; and the poems are sung. Accordingly, the music of Bakhshis can be considered as a combination of music (vocal and instrumental) and verbal dramatic arts. DEFINITIONS: “BAKHSHI” In Persian, the word “Bakhshi” derives from the gerund “Bakhshish” meaning “granting”, conveying the impression that the Bakhshi is an exception in character, whom God has granted a gift. Accordingly, “Bakhshis should be able to sing, play, versify, narrate and make their own musical instruments.” MAGHAM: Bakhshis play regional Maghams, and their music is known as Maghami. Magham consists of pieces of instrumental and/or vocal music, influenced by the regional locals’ culture and beliefs. “Magham” is a popular word in other regions of Iran and some neighboring countries. However, the content and performances define Bakhshis music as especial in identity, while enjoying shared roots with the traditional music of the region, and the Repertory of Iranian Traditional Music, as well. TYPES OF MAGHAMS: The common Maghams of Bakhshis Music are as follows: Navāyī Navāyī is the most widespread Magham of the music of Bakhshis. It is diverse, vocal, rhythmless, accompanied by Sufic poems. The performer shall not be known a Bakhshi, unless he is competent in playing Navāyī. Modulations are observed in variations of Navāyī. Tajnīs A Turkish Magham, Tajnīs enjoys many intricacies which mark competent Bakhshis once performed. Tajnīs is vocal and rhythmless, accompanied by Sufic poems. In comparison with Navāyī, Tajnīs is poorer in its varieties Modulation in variations of Tajnīs are also popular. Gerāyelī/Gerye-ye Leylī (Leyli’s cry) Gerāyelī is a sorrowful Turkish magham, with poems narrating breakaways. The chanson enjoys rhythmic and rhythmless parts. Shākhatāyī A Turkish vocal and rhythmic magham, with sorrow in the vocal section, and cheer in the rhythmic one. Shākhatāyī embraces many varieties; and its long poems present religious themes. Loy Loy is an antique magham, belonging, specifically, to Kormanj Kurds of Northern Khorasan. It is a vocal and instrumental magham, with romantic and describing content. THEMES: The following provide Bakhshis Music with its common themes: (EPIC): “Kūroghlī”: An epical-historical story, narrating the gallantries of a hero named Kūroghlī in his battles against the rulers of his time; (HISTORICAL): “Shah Esmail”, narrating the gallantries of Imam Ali, the first among the Imams, utilizing the life story of Shah Esmail, founder of the Safavid Dynasty; (RELIGIOUS): “Ebrahim Adham”, the religious-Sufic life story of the Sufist, Ebrahim Adham; (ROMANTIC): “Leyli & Majnoun”, the love-story of Majnoun, and his beloved, Leyli. DOTĀR The only musical istrument accompanying the music of Bakhshis Dotār: a long-lute with two strings. (“Dotār”, in Persian, means an instrument with two strings). Traditionally, the strings were made of silk; and Bakhshis used to determine the desired thicknesses. Since around forty years ago, however, metal strings of desired diameters started to be employed instead. Bakhshis consider one string as male, and the other female. The male string remains open, while the female one is being used to play the main melody. The harmony provides the music with its unique character. The five fingers play the role of the plectrum. The bowl is pear-shaped, and is made of berry wood, as a unibody. The tall and slim handle/neck is made of stronger apricot wood. Bakhshis Dotār's hold 12 to 14 frets. Nowadays nylon has been substituted for the traditional sheep intestine as the material. PLAYING SKILLS: Khorasani Dotārs are played in different pitches. The major factors responsible for the variations include the diverse musical habits of the inhabitant ethnicities, and the verifiec “maghams” on the region. The two main pitches are, however, the, so called, Turkish and Kurdish pitches. Through the former, Navāyī, Tajnīs, Gerāyelī, and Shākhatāyī, among others, are performed, and, through the latter, Loy, Allāh-Mazār, Jafargholī, and the like.

Iran 2010

“Chogān” is a traditional horse-riding game which is accompanied by music and storytelling. In Chogān, two rider teams compete and the aim is to pass the Gūy (ball) through the opposing team’s goal posts by using a Chogān (wooden stick). The team with a higher number of goals wins the game. It is played in an open area called Meydān in several “Chukkeh”s (rounds). Chogān differs in the size of the Meydān, the number of Chukkehs and "Chogānbāzān" (players) depending on the region. The game of Chogān includes: Chogānbāzi (the main game), the corresponding musical performance and, storytelling (Naqqāli and Morshedkhāni etc.). Given that the game needs a level Meydān, several Chogān horses, and skilled Chogānbāzān, it is mostly performed in specific places and major events including Nowrouz, and other local and national occasions. The audience for the game are mostly locals, the players’ family members and people interested in this entertaining game. Chogān has more than 2000 years of history in Iran and has mostly been played in royal courts and urban fields. Because of its connection with elements like the family (players and artists), nature, horses and arts, Chogān is of paramount importance in the Iranian culture. Today, the patterns and figures related to Chogān have a strong presence in the motifs used in Iranian handicrafts, traditional miniature paintings, architectural ornaments and stone engravings as well as the Iranian literature and languages.

Iran 2017

The art of crafting and playing with Kamantcheh/kamancha (“little bow”), a bowed string instrument, has exsited for more than 1,000 years. In Iran and Azerbaijan, types of this art constitute major elements of classical and folkloric Music. Classical Iranian Music refers to the urban music with “Radif” repertoir; the Folkloric Kamantcheh Music refers to the mainly rural musical traditions of Azarbayjan, Lorestan, and Torkaman Sahra. In both countries, contemporary practitioners mainly make and use four string Kamantcheh/kamancha composed of a body (chamber, neck and pegs) and a bow with horse-hair. Some Folkloric variants with two or three strings are also popular in Lorestan, Azarbayjan, or Torkaman Sahra, Iran(also, cf.D). Craftsmanship starts with choosing wood material. Craftspeople use walnut and/or mulberry for the body, and cornel for the bow. In Azerbaijan, only ball-shaped resonating chambers are crafted. Iranian communities produce the following resonating chambers/sound-boxes: 1-Pošt-baste(""closed in the back""):A hollow oval with sheep-skin; 2-Pošt-bāz(""open in the back""):A half-cone, with sheep-skin on one end. Craftspeople create a bowl and a round fingerboard, and unite them with an iron billow that ends up with a base shaft at the bottom. The chamber’s open side is covered with sturgeon, catfish, sheep or bovine bubble skin. They very often inlay the body with mother-of-pearl or other materials to express and mark different motifs and add their personal touch to the external decoration. In Iran, calligraphy, wood carvings, or inlayed jewels and shells are also practiced. The instrument rests on the base shaft and stands vertically on performer's lap or beside them; performers move the bow horizentally on the strings, and pivote Kamantcheh round the shaft to facilitate transfers on the strings. Kamantcheh/kamancha produces strong and subtle sounds, close to human voice with the sound diapason ranging from small octave ‘A’ to the third octave ‘A’. Players perform large works and etudes using various performing techniques, individually or as part folk orchestras. Generations of performers have left invaluable heritage of Kamantcheh/kamancha works, which are reproduced by young performers, adding their own playing dynamics and colouring. Transmitted from generations to generations at professional and amateur levels, within families or professional education institutions, this art brings together a large community of Kamantcheh/kamancha music lovers and listeners and continues to be a marker of cultural belonging.

Azerbaijan,Iran 2017