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ICH Elements 71
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Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet
Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana. Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.
Cambodia 2018 -
Art of oratory – ‘Chechendik onour’
Art of oratory - ‘Chechendik onour’ represents a type of the oral art, which is distinguished by keenness and originality of the poetic text. Well-known masters of the word ‘chechens’ have always been treated with respect; their performances have been preserved in the popular memory, transmitted from one generation to another, growing into legends. ‘Chechendik onour’ is one of the main parts of ‘aitysh’, a poetic competition, which determines its structure built on a question-answer, on the use of riddles as well as on a rhythmic structure of the text. In the art of oratory, all types of oral folk art are used. Oratory speech exploits proverbs and sayings, intoned words, catch phrases and expressions. In some oratory poetry contests, only proverbs and sayings were used. Only the best of the best who believed in their abilities could participate in such competitions. In the manner of performance of the chechens, facial expressions, posture, turn of phrase, play with intonations, the use of riddles, tongue twisters, fables, and other expressive means of verbalising thoughts play a predominant role. They were very versed in their skills of eloquence and allegory, built their own conclusions, actively used elements of satire and humour. The speaker must be able to think deeply and have a good knowledge of folk philosophy. Through becoming a role model and by combining educational goals, their main purpose is to solve such problems as the establishment of international relations and the resolution of small strifes and conflicts. There were also many talented women-chechens among the Kyrgyz people.
Kyrgyzstan -
Sericulture and silk craftsmanship of China
Sericulture and Silk Craftsmanship refers to the craftsmanship applied in traditional sericulture, silk dyeing and weaving process, which has been handed down from generation to generation, and relevant folk-customs derived thereby. China’s sericulture and silk craftsmanship boasts a history of 5000 years. The silk fragments, preliminary loom and potteries decorated with silkworm patterns excavated from sites dating 4000 years ago in the Taihu Lake area; demonstrate the time-honoured history of the sericulture and silk production in the region. Alongside the historical process, traditional manufacturing craftsmanship develops, and the main elements include: Mulberry planting: including cultivation of mulberry seedling, mulberry trimming, and various methods of engraftment; Silkworm production: including the selection, hybridization, and breeding of silkworm eggs, incubation, instruments for silkworm rearing, control of the temperature and humidity, and frame mounting methods; Silk reeling: including sorting and stripping of cocoons, ways for preserving the cocoons such as drying and salting, temperature control and process for boiling the cocoons, facilities and techniques for silk reeling, etc; Silk floss making: including techniques of water rinsing and tearing; Weaving tools: including various looms such as treadle looms, multi-shaft and multi-treadle patterning looms, lesser draw looms, greater draw looms, etc, and arrangement of heddle drafts and programming of patterns on draw looms; Design and weaving of fabrics: including the design and weaving of various structures and patterns, such as the Shuanglin silk damask which is calendared by stamp rocks, the Hang gauze with warps crossed, the Shu silk with warp-faced patterns, the Song-style silk in lampas weave, and Kesi woven in tapestry structures.
China 2009 -
CHILLADORI
Chilla means forty days, this a special period in which should be follow some restrictions and rules after birth, after of marriage and after dying of a family member.
Tajikistan -
Traditional knowledge related to the Kyrgyz ornaments
The ornament adorns all the objects surrounding the Kyrgyz from the moment of birth to the end of life. Nowadays, ornaments are very popular and used not only for decorating yurts and utensils but also for festive attires, jewelry, and souvenirs. Kyrgyz gave the patterns their own names identifying them with elements of their own and surroundings in the world around them. The shape of the symbols has reached us through the ages, almost unchanged. Kyrgyz ornaments include simple geometrical symbols, floral patterns, images of animals (both living and fantastic), nature, and stylized images of people. One of the most popular patterns are: ram’s horns, which repeats the image of this animal and represents prosperity or Umai ene, winged woman with a child, a spirit that represents fertility and protects mothers and babies. There are several types of Kyrgyz ornamental patterns: 1.\tPatterns symbolizing landscapes and other natural objects and processes such as Earth, a spring, eternal movement, Sun, Venus, star constellations, day and night, equinox; 2.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of animal kingdom such as raven claw, goose foot, ram horns, goat horns, a bird wing, a dog tail; 3.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of flora such as almond, clover, pomegranate, tulip; 4.\tPatterns symbolizing household objects as a comb, a lock, tip of a knife, köökör, a vessel for fermented milk; 5.\tPatterns with anthropomorphic elements.
Kyrgyzstan -
Family rites
Family rites of Uzbeks are a life cycle, which covers a set of family traditions connected to the birth, reaching of adulthood, twelve-year cycle (muchal), wedding, funeral, etc. From among family rituals and ceremonies it is possible to mention wedding-ceremonial ones (beshik toy, sunnat toy, muchal toy, nikoh toy), funeral-commemorative ones (aza-motam, sadr), daily life related ones (badik, kina, alas, kushnos, mushkulkushod) and others.
Uzbekistan -
The Space of Gong Culture in the Central Highlands of Viet Nam
The tradition-bears of the gong culture are the seventeen Austro-Asian and Austronesian ethno-linguistic communities living in Vietnam’s Central Highlands. Gong music is an integral part of the life cycle of each person and important agricultural events of the community, performed in a wide range of ceremonies and rituals, such as ear-blowing for babies, weddings, sacrifice buffalo, abandoning grave, worshipping water troughs, celebrating new rice, closing rice storehouse, celebrating new communal house, so on. It is believed there is a god in each gong, a protecting shield for the family. Having gongs represents wealth and power. Gong ensembles in the Central Highlands are communal, each performer plays one note. Every member in the ensemble must remember the rhythms and melodies so that they can harmonize with other performers. Depending on the ethnic groups, the gongs are played by hand or with wooden sticks wrapped in cloth, leather or rubber strips. Each gong ensemble has between 2 and 13 flat and knobbed gongs with a diameter ranging from 25 to 120 cm, played by both men and women. Peoples in the Central Highlands often buy gongs from Kinh people in Quang Nam, Quang Ngai provinces, or even in Laos and Cambodia. The gongs are re-tuned in order to have the desired sounds. In the past, almost every village had a gong tuner. Today, there are only a few remaining gong tuners in the region. Economic, social and religious transformations have dramatically affected the lives of the local communities here. The safeguarding of gong space in the Central Highlands is thus more challenging. Senior tradition-bearers are passing away, while few people master the traditional rituals. Some major rituals with gong performance are no longer practiced. Younger generations are is less interested in traditional culture. Buffalo sacrifice is banned in many localities. Rice cultivation is altered with industrial crops. The instruments become trade items for other purposes. Nonetheless, the government is doing its best to ensure its practice and transmission.
Viet Nam 2008 -
Kobyz - Traditional musical instrument and the art of playing
Kobyz (kaz. 'qobyz', 'qyl-qobyz') - is an ancient Kazakh bow two-stringed musical instrument and an essential attribute of rites conducted voodoo ('baqsy', 'qam') - a shaman. Kobyz belongs to the class of chordophones. It is manufactured by the special manufacturing technology from a single piece of wood - juniper (arsha, archa), maple, pine or birch. Kobyz id subdivided into three functional parts: 'bas' - a head, upper part, middle part; 'Keude' (base) - a middle part - is made in the form of an open cup, extended downward. Inside the cup is attached mirror. The bottom part - ayak (legs) part of the tool is tightened with camel skin ('deka'). The support (tiek) is based on the bottom part. Sounds of kobyz, removed by rubbing with a bow-string. The bow has an arcade shape and resembles a bow weapon: the bun of horsehair is tied to both ends of the bent branch and fixed by the strong thread of camel wool. Strings for kobyz are made of a bundle of 30-60 non-woven horsehair ('qyl'), which give a very dense timbre rich in overtones. General instrument construction and its decoration detail were combined into an integral system that reflected the inner world and the philosophy of the Kazakhs. The tradition of making kobyz and playing of kobyz music was very specific for traditional environment and professional communities.
Kazakhstan -
Tseza Bonkor: Bon Ritual of Tseza community
Tseza Bongkor is a native festival of Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and dance steps performed by what we call in local dialect the Boegarps or the Pazaabs (Male participants/warriors). It is celebrated once in every three years in six villages under Tseza Gewog namely in Zamtog, Samey, Trashigang, Jangsagang, Tsanglaykha and Kalizingkha. In every village, the festival is celebrated for three days and it is mandatory for all the households of that particular village to take part in that celebration. At Samey, the festival is always celebrated on the 14th Day of the first Bhutanese month every three years at a place called Zingkha Pangna and only then, it is celebrated at Trashigang. It is because the festival at Trashigang is also presided over by the same Male Shaman (Pawo) and the Female Shaman (Neljorm) who conducts the festival at Samey. On the last day of the Samey Bonkor i.e. on 16th day of the first Bhutanese month, the Shaman and the Yogini heads towards Trashigang for the celebration of the same. The Trashigang Bonkor begins from 16th and ends on the 18th day of the first Bhutanese month. Although the festival is celebrated for three days in all the six villages but the date of celebration differs in all the villages. For instance the date for celebration of the festival is fixed at Samey and Trashigang but in the remaining four villages the dates are not fixed. They celebrates the festival depending upon the auspicious date that is mentioned in the Bhutanese Datho (Almanic calendar). Every household must dispatch at least one or two representatives (depending upon the number of person living in that house) for the celebration. Usually all the households are represented by two members i.e. one male representative who acts as a Boegarp (male dancer) and one female representative as a dancer. If the household has just one member, that particular person has to represent his or her household. If any household fails to send the member representative/s for the festival, they have to send their substitution or else they have to pay fine. Traditionally, the festival used to be presided over by a Male shaman (Pawo) and a Female shaman (Neljorm) but since the demise of the Pawo few years back, he is replaced by one of the village Lama. There are slight differences in the way the festival is celebrated in these six villages mainly in terms of the date of the celebration, materials and the costumes used in the celebration and the persons involved in the festival. The origin of the festival is still unknown but it is believed that the festival was instituted in the region mainly by the Tseza Nyagoes (Boegarps). According to Ap Sangay Dorji, the festival was instituted mainly to appease the Dralha (deities) in order to overcome any sort of obstacles and epidemics in the region. Tseza Bongkor is still vibrantly performed in the community and there is no major transformation in the way the festival is conducted even today. Traditionally every word written in the book Dralha Pangtoed (Ritual text) was dictated upon the Boegarps by the Pawo which is today replaced by the village Lam. Similarly, the house in which the shaman and the Female shaman live during the celebration Lha chim (shrine) was build using the mated bamboo but today it is constructed using the metal sheets, wood and bamboo. According to some oral history, traditionally the people of this region were following the Bon (locally called Ban choe) religion because of which their festival came to be known as Bangkor, the Bon festival of Tseza Gewog. Some oral tradition also says that during Zhabrung's era, The Pazaabs in Punakha performed their dances in circular (kora chap di) group to celebrate their victory over the Tibetan enemies. For the same reason, the Ngagoes (strong man) or the Boegarps of Tseza Gewog also performed the same dances following the same steps. Hence, the festival came to be known as Tseza Bangkor, the dance performed by Boegarps in a circular group. Tseza Gewog is one of the important Gewog under Dagana Dzongkhag (district) since Dagana falls under Tseza gewog and is where the Dzongkhag Administration's Headquarter is located. One of the most famous and special Temple in Dagana, Shathong Lhakhang, founded by the Buddhist Master Dupthob (Siddhi) Shawa Ripa in the 18th century is also located under Tseza Gewog. Shawa Ripa is an ancient Buddhist Master who is said to have lived for over 900 years. Oral History also mentions that there is a big tree at Pele, which is believed to be a walking stick of Zhabdrung Jigme Chogyal (1862-1904) and a house in which the Zhabdrung halt his night on the way and back from Daga Dzong.
Bhutan -
Tala Choedpa: Tala Annual Ritual Festival of Zung-ngey community
Held from the 10th through the 15th days of the second lunar month, main foci of this festival are paying tribute to Guru Rinpoche and the performance of ritual prayers dedicated to Tshepamed (Buddha of Long Life) and local protective deities on the 10th and the 11th days. Events take place in community temples and are presided over by lamas and monks, and/or locally-based gomchens (Leymen). On the 12th to 15th days, games and sports are organized, especially archery and Khuru (Traditional dart) are played. At night, the Blessing Round or Changkor (Wandering) takes place as a presiding lama or monk leads a group to visit every household in their respective villages and bless them with auspiciousness. The community members drink, sing and dance, and relish good foods during the period. The festival is not only meant to pay tribute to Guru Rinpoche and the protective deities but is also an occasion for community members to get together to relax away from the usual toils of agrarian life. During Tala Chodpa, most of the villages conduct certain ritual prayers. Often the dagkey, or main ritual prayer, is either the Lama Norbu Jamtsho of Pema Lingpa or dedicated to Tshepamed, the Buddha of Long Life. These are often followed by ritual prayers conducted on the individual household level or at the community’s choesung, and include Guru Soeldeb, prayers to Guru Rinpoche. Groups of seven or eight monks from Nyimalung Dratshang preside over the Chodpa ritual prayers and rituals in different villages. The monks of Buli Gonpa also preside over Chodpa ritual prayers in upper Chume. It is said that previously monks from Tharpaling Monastery also presided over the Chodpa rituals in the upper villages of Chume like Uruk and Gaytsa, but now they are no longer available due to activities in their home monastery. Wherever monks are not available, local gomchens take their places. It is said that gomchens are playing an increasingly prominent role as monks are busy with their monastic activities as well as due to other disciplinary issues. In all the community Lhakhangs (Temple), the ritual prayers take place on the 10th and 11th days, followed by associated programming that continues through the 15th day. Between the 12th and 15th days, different villages organize traditional games, including archery, Doegor (stone-throwing) and khuru (darts), as well as singing and dancing by almost all the local residents. At night, they organize the Changkor, during which they bring Torma or sacrificial cakes from their respective community temples and carry them from house to house, spreading blessings.
Bhutan -
Shag-zo: Wood Turning
Wood turned utensils and dishes were present in Bhutan since ancient times. Communities from different parts of Bhutan have a similar type of craft as cups and plates are necessary for all household meals. However, the labour-intensive wood turned lacquer wares from Yangtse earned a considerable reputation in the kingdom. About a century-old traditional woodturning art (Shag-zo) in Yangtse is still a vibrant and popular means of family business and occupation. The present young artisans in Yangtse who are in their 20s and early 30s are the fifth-generation descendants of Lobazang from Kham in Tibet. Like other crafts of Bhutan, Shagzo demands a long process. The extracted wood knots and burls have to be dried; soaked in water; roughly shaped (first turned); roughly turned bowls are boiled; dried again; final turned bowls are smoothened with sandpapers and dried leaves of Trema politoria (locally known as Sog sogpa-shing). After colouring them yellow or red, it becomes ready for the next step – lacquering. Lacquering is another time-consuming process. Traditionally, lacquerers mostly use an urushiol-based lacquer common in East Asia derived primarily from toxic wax trees known as Sey Shing in Yangtse. These wooden bowls are an integral part of both the Bhutanese and Tibetan lifestyles and this explains the high demand for these products in Tibet. In the medieval period, people from Yangtse and Bumdeling traded wooden plates (not Dhapas) and bowls (cups) to Assam (India) and Go-phors (wooden bowl with lid), Lha-phor (bowl with lid used by monks), Dra-phor (bigger than other Phobs originally used by Tibetan Drapas), and Bay-phor (used by Tibetans, and has a deeper interior than Bhutanese hobs) to people of Tibet. Other than products historically exported to Assam and Tibet, Shagzopas make varieties of wood-turned products.
Bhutan -
Baab: Mask
Colloquially, a mask often used in artistic mask dance performances to disguise or hide the original appearance is called “Baab” in Dzongkha (Bhutanese language) and in many local dialects. Baab is not only used for masquerade, but represents the appearance and expression of enlightened beings, celestial beings, guardian deities, and some extraordinary human beings who have helped to shape meaningful human life and promote harmonious living, which is why it is also referred to by the honorific title Zhal baab (face mask). Baab comes in many forms, appearances, complexions and with exceptional features that represent transcendent religious meanings and significance. Baab is the product of an art that requires several skills such as religious knowledge including proper proportions, biodiversity as the basic raw materials are woods, craftsmanship, blacksmithing in making tools and finally painting to give the mask the final structure. According to historical texts, the Baab tradition and the performance of the mask dance, usually called Gar-cham, was introduced to Bhutan by Guru Padmasambava in the early 8 th century. Later, it was further developed by eminent Buddhist masters, especially Terton (discoverer of the hidden treasure) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), who introduced many sacred mask dances and passed on the art of Baab making, which is still recognized and known today for his contribution to the enrichment of Bhutan’s indigenous art and culture. His exceptional art of Baab making and mask dances was later recognized by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651), the head of the state government, and included as one of the of Bhutan’s intangible cultural heritage domain of arts and crafts. Thereafter, the Baab tradition was maintained and enjoyed increasing popularity after the heads of the state government, chief abbots and successive monarchs introduced and authorized other private religious institutions to organize Tshe-chu, Drub-chen, Chod-pa, Rab-ne, Me-wang, Ma-ni, Due-chod (mask dance festivals), etc. throughout the country. In general, the manifestations of Baab can be summarized as; Baab of deities and gods, animals and extraordinary human beings. It is firmly believed that the masks of the deities and gods manifest themselves in various emotional appearances such as; graceful, heroic, abominable, wrathful, compassionate, comical, wondrous, terrifying and petrifying. These expressions can also be divided into four categories: peaceful, inspiring, empowering and angry. There are three types of masks made by Bhutanese artisans: Re baab (paper and cloth mask), Shing baab (wooden mask) and Sing-phye baab (mask made of a mixture of sawdust). However, the former two are ancient technical craft, while the latter is a newer product used mainly for commercial or decorative purposes. Traditionally, Baab are used only for the actual performance or kept as relics after the consecration ceremony has been performed by spiritual masters. It is believed that if these items are not blessed, they are as good as toys and are haunted by the spirits, causing harm to society.
Bhutan