Kushtdepdi rite of singing and dancing is a performing art combining the genres of creative poetizing focused on good feelings and wishes, its singing with vocal improvisation and dancing with movements of hands, gestures and footsteps in accordance with the tune of the song. The element serves as a tool and a medium for conveying good wishes for happiness, mutual respect, solidarity, social cohesion to the wide public and youth. The element is considered as an inseparable part of child birth ceremonies, wedding ceremonies and national celebrations. Its introductory part starts with singing poetic words of best wishes for well-being, happiness and sermon for the youth to keep close ties with elders that is performed by a seated group of respected women dressed in traditional costumes. Its next stage continues with inviting performers to start the rite and then the performance is led by singing of a couple of poetry singers (traditionally a woman and a man) with dances to the accompaniment of songs in a semi-closed or closed circles. Dancing movements start with three steps on right foot and then simultaneously tramping and clapping which are intended to drive maleficence and misfortune away from the future life. The element is performed at the end of events concluding in a positive note as a prayer to the nature for fertility, procreation, solidarity and peace.

Turkmenistan 2017

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.

Turkey 2009

Art metal processing works made by masters found in museum funds of Kyrgyzstan and those that are passed from generation to generation shows that the Kyrgyz possessed metal processing techniques from the ancient times. The Kyrgyz metalwork masters are named as ‘usta’ or ‘zergher’. Distinct features of different techniques of metalworking can be observed in the works of the Kyrgyz masters, such as forging, molding, appliqueing, notching metal with silver, engraving, minting, pattern plating, pelleting, fretwork and black finishing. Silver is the most common metal used by the Kyrgyz. Masterpieces distinct to the Kyrgyz jewelry making have been created with a help of simple tools used in metalworking. The kit of jeweler’s main instruments included an anvil, hammers for different purposes, dies, stamps, chisels, puncheons, mandrels, cutters, poin-tools, etc. Motives of the ornaments used in jewelry and metal works are very diverse. Of a particular interest are the Kyrgyz traditions of metalworking expressed in details of the horse equipment. They are richly decorated with metal braces covering joints of belts made by embossing technique and notching. Kyrgyz jewelers broadly used the technique of denting, that is coating notched iron plates with silver. Such coated plates of different size and forms were then used to embellish harness elements, man’s belts, knives, fire stones, trunks, cases for dishes, etc. Quite often jewelry articles were framed with granules. This technique was primarily used in woman’s adornments, such as ear-rings, rings, seal-rings, bracelets, and etc. Like formerly, granulation was combined with filigreeing and incrustation. Community of craftspeople metalworking was a purely masculine craft, but women zergers are also known.

Skullcap embroidery was developed among Iranian and Turkic peoples since ancient times. Skullcaps make up part of the national dresses of the peoples of Turkistan, especially of Uzbeks and Tajiks. They differ in terms of form and décor from one place to another. The traditions of their creation are also different. For sewing skullcap a piece of material is cut out from single-colored silk or satin, embroidered by using simple, silk and gold threads. Parts of skullcap, decorated with fancy work, are put on lining and sewed to each other. The edges are decorated with braids. Depending on the style, skullcaps can be quadrangular or cone-shaped. Skullcaps especially are made by women.

Sewing traditional dresses. Seamstresses usually prepare embroidered woman shirts and other dresses. In the past masters sewed dresses with hand, now the sewing machines also are applied.

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Bibaha/Vivah has been in practice for hundreds of years with its first documentation in one of the Hindu epics. As per the epic, the first official marriage was celebrated between Lord Ram and Sita (Hindhu gods). It was also practiced by RISHIS, the great saints who existed in the Ganges valley civilization, before it reached down to the common people. This practice came down in line through religious texts and personals, in the eight different types mentioned above. The Bibaha/Vivah system then spread into other parts of the world with migrating people.

Abi (Grandma) and Meme (Grandpa) is a native story about the local deity of a Durung Chiwog under Yangnyer Gewog in Trashigang. Durung is one of the farthest chiwog (Community) under the gewog (block) and is a native place and origin of the story. There are different information regarding the origin of Abi and Meme as a local deity of the community. One of source tells that Abi Sangay Lhamo and Meme Gempola were believed to be from Demkhar Village, a village located downhill of gewog centre under Darjeling chewog. Whereas another source states that Meme Gempola was from Demkhar and Abi was from Narang under monger gewog today. However, another oral transmission also states that Meme and Abi were from Zhangzhung, Tibet and they descended to the Durung due to internal conflict with the leader of Zhangzhung. Today, people also believe that the great grandparents of Abi and Meme must have moved and settled from Tibet creating the confusion to these days that Abi and Meme were from Zhangzhung (Tibet). One source emphasize that they had a daughter called Sangay Dema and she went to Woongkhar, a village at Drametse and got married there. Later, Abi and Meme went to her place to attend the death rituals of their late grandchild. Another source also states that Abi and Meme went there to attend death rituals of their relatives. While returning back after attending the rituals, they spend night beneath the cave at Dochurkhaktang near Sengderi, located at downstream between Durung and Narang. At night, the flood washed Abi and Meme from the place killing them on the way. Therefore, it is believed that both are born to Donesphu (large stone) as deity in the place presently below Durung village. It is believed that they protect and have control of land from Boe-Lhasa to Jagar-Dorjiden. Moreover, one of the religious texts (Soelkha text) states that Abi and Meme have control of land and people from Lha (Deity) Wogmay till Jagar Dorjiden.

Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present-day reality. The main constituents of the element are: 1.‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. 2. ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, ‘stallion’s marriage’) is a rite for adjoining stallions in herds. taking place on the same day. This rite is considered as a recent one that emerged in response to shifting from nomadic life to settling. 3. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing'; rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The above rite names are equally used also for their scope. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.

Kazakhstan 2018

Mudiyettu is a ritualistic art form of Kerala based on the mythological tale of battle between the goddess Kali and the demon Darika. It is a community ritual in which the entire village participates. After the summer crops have been harvested, the villagers reach the temple early in the morning on an appointed day. The traditional performers of Mudiyettu having purified themselves through fasting and prayers, proceed to draw on the temple floor a huge image of goddess Kali called 'Kalam' with coloured powder obtained from organic material. Kalam helps the performers imbue the spirit of the goddess. This is followed by an enactment of Kali-Darika myth, where Kali eventually vanquishes the demon. Mudiyettu performance which is said to herald the dawn of peaceful and prosperous new year, purifies and rejuvenates the whole community. It is performed annually in 'Bhagavati Kavus'', the temples of the goddess in different villages of Kerala along the rivers, Chalakkudy Puzha, Periyar and Moovattupuzha among thenMarar and Kurup communities. Mudiyettu combines in itself the mythic, the ritual, the festive and the ecological aspects of the community. At the same time it is an expression of aesthetic and creative aspirations of the community.

India 2010

Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art expressed through the ritual dance of performers with masks of a deity on their faces, accompanied by instrumental music such as rhythms of big drums, in order to receive the blessings of a deity. The music for this Kagura is played by a big drum, small cymbals, and a flute along with songs. The stage is approximately 3.6 m2 large, and players of a big drum and cymbals seat themselves at the centre front of the stage with their backs toward the audience. A tapestry approximately 2 meters high is hung at the back, behind which is a dressing room. There are one to five dancers, depending on the piece. They appear onto the stage, lifting up the lower edge of a tapestry. The transmitted repertoire consists of approximately seventy pieces, composed of ritual dances, one featuring deities as protagonists, one with a theme of the Japanese legends of ancient time or war chronicles of medieval time, and one of a shishi (a lion-like imaginary animal), i.e. the deity of the Hayachine Shrine itself. This one-day Kagura begins with six ritual dances, then approximately five dances expressing a deity as a protagonist or telling some stories, and finally ends with the dance of a shishi deity. As a whole, the content is meant to demonstrate the majesty of the deity of the Hayachine Shrine and to bless the people. Hayachine Kagura has over seventy pieces in its transmitted repertoire, and its dances, together with characteristic music, are considered very beautiful. Hayachine Kagura is cultural heritage transmitted to the present day from the fourteenth or fifteenth century by the people who worshipped the Hayachine Shrine. Designated by the Government as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1975, it is currently recognized as one element of important cultural heritage which widely reflects the transition of the Japanese life style. For a while after its beginning, Hayachine Kagura was transmitted and performed only by holy officers of the Hayachine Shrine. From the late seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, however, those holy officers also transmitted it to neighbouring farmers and townsmen, and gradually performed it together. Iwate Prefecture, where the Hayachine Shrine is located, is a cold region, and life was difficult there. the local people worshipped Mt. Hayachine as a deity and wished for a better and more secure life, relying upon the power of a deity. In order to meet their expectations, the bearers of Hayachine Kagura regularly visited communities, taking with them a shishi’s head as a symbol of the power of the deity Hayachine, and blessed the people by demonstrating the power of the deity through the performance of kagura. In the early twentieth century it ceased to be performed in many communities. Currently, however, it has been transmitted from elder to younger generations by local people of two communities at Ohsako Town in Hanamaki City, Iwate Prefecture, and is performed on the eve and on the day of the Great Festival of the Hayachine Shrine on August 1st every year, which venerates nature, including Mt. Hayachine. Hayachine Kagura is regarded as part of the excellent and distinctive culture of which the group of bearers and people in the transmitting communities are proud in relation to groups of other communities and societies. To transmit Hayachine Kagura and display it to the public is, for the transmitting group and community, to reconfirm a sense of identity with its own group and society and also to contribute to the continuity of such a group and community. Hayachine Kagura is a folk performing art transmitted for a long time and still performed by ordinary Japanese people. The repertoire is derived from Japanese history and traditional culture, such as the Legend of Japan and war chronicles, and reflects the Japanese sense of performing arts. Moreover, the Japanese concept of deity and nature is seen in the background of the transmission and performance of Hayachine Kagura. Thus, Hayachine Kagura reflects the history, culture, and climate of Japan and still has significant meaning from a social and cultural point of view. In addition, the transmitters are eager to transmit Hayachine Kagura to the future through the performance which they have inherited from their own ancestors.

Japan 2009