Yurt (kaz. 'kigiz uy', 'kiiz uy') - portable housing with dismountable wooden circular frame with felt covering. Its origins date back to the era of ancient Turkic nomads. For modern population of Kazakhstan yurt is not only housing, and the model of the universe; it is also a symbol of their national identity. A yurt is a round folding wooden frame covered with felt and rope weaving. The frame of the yurt consisting of four parts: •\tkerege - ready-sliding base •\t'uyk' ('uyq') - dome poles, roof (modern) •\tshanyrak ('shanyrak') - circular top, a chimney and a window (modern) •\tyessyk ('esik') - double doors (modern) Tent can be easily assembled and disassembled in a short period of time. Yurt is mainly characterized as easily transportable, compact, ecological and practical home. The yurt used as livestock housing in their daily life and urban residents as a gazebo, which reinforces the sense of the continuity of the traditions of their ancestors.

Kazakhstan 2014

Disclaimer : ‘Traditional Knowledge for Mangrove Honey Collection’ is not an element officially designated by the government of Bangladesh and thus tentatively named by ichLinks secretariat to introduce the cultural expression with the name indicated above. We welcome your valuable comments and feedback about 'Traditional Knowledge for Mangrove Honey Collection' and its information presented on this page. Forest honey collection in the Sundarbans is unique to its geographical area. Mawalis, the honey collectors traditionally depend on the honey and wax that they get from the world’s largest mangrove forest for their livelihood. Honey collection starts in the Sundarbans between March and May. Khalisa honey is bountiful around this time. After khalisa come gewa, bain, and kewra honey. Flowers of Sundarban bushes blossom during the month of Baishak, April, while those of bain trees blossom in May and June. The fruits of the gol tree fall off in June and July. Forest bees play an important role in the natural pollination of these plants and trees, particularly at the middle and top layers of the Sundarbans, where all kinds of trees and flowers live together. Bees live on pollen and honey while birds live on bees. But the birds also prevail in these two forest layers. The birds themselves are food for snakes and tigers, making a critical food cycle in the area and balancing the vertical forest ecosystems of the mangroves. Meanwhile, women hold rituals and follow special rules when men go out to collect honey in the forest. During this time, the women neither stay too far from their home nor use oil and soap on their hair and body. They also do not burn peppers in the furnace, nor do they squeeze water from the bath towels. They cook food early in the morning and in the evening. They never make a fire in the furnace at noon, as they believe that lighting a fire at noon could harm both the forest and the beehives. When they collect honey, the Mawalis do not quarrel with others, lie, or misbehave with others. The men also do the same. They obey sajuni, the chief, no matter what happens. When the collection begins, they first see how bees move and track their path. They anchor their boats to the bank of the river and go deep into the forest to search for beehives. Once they find a beehive, they make a karu, a broom-like bouquet, to make smoke and drive bees out of the hive. They also cover their mouths with cloths to protect themselves from bee stings. Then they cut a part of the hive to extract honey but leave the other part, where the bees and their larvae stay untouched. After the collection is done, they put out the fire on the karu. The honey collected here is kept in different cane baskets. Lastly, they keep the honey in a flat pot, designed to keep off moisture and prevent honey from thickening.

Wood carving and wood product manufacture among the Kyrgyz originated in ancient times. An example is the manufacture of wooden parts of the yurt, komuz, which have become the pinnacle of the handicraft creativity of the people. Modern travelers are very familiar with the Kyrgyz yurt, construction of which is made only of wood by the true masters. Wood items decorated with carvings and paintings have been harmoniously fit into the complex of interior of the yurt. These are chests ‘sandyk’, wooden bases on which felt mats, carpets and bedding items are placed; coffrets for food, cloth and horse gear hangers ‘ala bakan’; boxes for dishes, stirrer for kymyz ‘pishkek’, biler for drinks and other liquids, wooden blocks for lamps – ‘chirak paya’. Woodworks are done by the men named as ‘jygach usta’. Materials used for different woodworks depend on elasticity or firmness of the wooden species: birch, cottonwood, sump-weed, juniper or nut-tree. They are cut easily and flexible enough to get desired shape. Instruments used in woodworks are: saw, adze, single bitted axe, knife, hewing with blade in the form of groove, hatchet with plane, wood auger, strop used to make walls of the yurt.

The Semeiskie communities are formed by a group of so-called “Old Believers”, a confessional community originating from the time of the Instigation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the seventeenth century.Their history is marked by repression and exile. During the reign of Catherine the Great, believers in the “old system” from various regions of Russia had to move to the Transbaikal region in Siberia, where they still live today. In this remote area, they have preserved elements of their respective culture, forming a distinct group identity. The cultural space of the Semeiskie, east of Lake Baikal, represents a remnant of cultural expressions from pre-seventeenth century Russia. The community, totalling around 200,000 persons, speaks a south Russian dialect featuring borrowings from Bielorussian, Ukrainian and Bouryat. The Semeiskie still practised ancient orthodox rituals and perpetuate everyday activities mainly based on the cult of the family - the term Semeskie refers to “those who live as a family” - and strong moral principles. They are also characterized by their traditional dress, handicrafts, dwellings, paintings, ornaments and food as well as their music. Also noteworthy are their polyphonic choirs, which perform traditional songs at family celebrations and popular festivals. These songs are known as “drawl” singing and are rooted in the Russian liturgical music of the Middle Ages.

Russian Federation 2008

Historically, livestock herding has been one of the main livelihoods of the Kyrgyz people. That is why leather crafting has become an important craft and many household items are made out of leather. The skin of such domestic and wild animals as cows, horses, camels, yaks, sheep, goats, foxes, otters, mountain goats and deer is used for leathercraft. Sheep and goat skin is most widely used due to their accessibility. Sheep leather is used for making shoes and cloths. In the context of nomadic and pastoral lifestyle, dishes made out of leather are still popular. The vessels for milk products such as sabaa, kookor, konok, konochok were made out of processed camel of cow skin. The vessels are smoked with juniper or pine branches before use. Cattle skin is used to make leather for some household items such as wooden chests for dishes and utensils, horse tack (stirrups, various strips, reigns and whips), etc. Both women and men are engaged in leather work. At the same time there is a clear separation in labor. E.g. only men slaughter and skin animals. Men also process leather for horse tack and other large things. Women process skin of smaller animals such as sheep and goats. Women make such household items as vessels for milk products, various bags, sacks and cup-holders. Kyrgyz people tried to decorate leather items just like any other household item. There were many ways to decorate leather items. E.g. cup-holders were decorated with silver clips or patterns were craved right on the surface of leather. Leather items were made in different shapes. E.g. kookor, a vessel for kymyz, was made in a shape of an anchor, cup holders were cylindrical or semi-spherical. Carving or stamping patterns on the leather surface looks very good because it livens up the monotonous surface and makes it more pleasing to eye.

A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. The other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess. The origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced. According to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself. This ICh element is still alive in Ura and Singkhar communities. However, there are some changes: The sang is now prepared and offered by themselves since there are no more highlanders at Pur-shey la, and the other is that, according to tradition, the sang is generally performed on the 8th and 9th day of the lunar month but, the community members decided to either coordinate the festival on 15th day if the time and weather is not favourable.

The World Nomad Games are the biggest international project held in the Kyrgyz Republic, a project initiated by the government in 2012 for the revival and preservation of the culture of nomadic civilization. The mission of the World Nomad Games covers the revival, development and preservation of the ethnosport and ethnoculture movement in the world, diversity and originality of the people of the world in order to foster a more tolerant and open relationship between people. The World Nomad Games consist of three main parts: •\tEthnoculture •\tEthnosport •\tScience The First World Nomad Games were held in Kyrgyzstan in 2014. 583 athletes from 19 countries participated in competitions held in 10 types of sports, plus an additional 1,200 participants in the cultural program. The Second World Nomad Games were held in Kyrgyzstan in 2016. 1,200 athletes from 62 countries participated in competitions in 26 types of ethnosports. The Third World Nomad Games were held in Kyrgyzstan in 2018. 1,500 athletes from 66 countries participated in competitions in 37 types of ethnosports.

Kyrgyzstan 2021

The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.

Ondol, literally "warm stones," refers to an underfloor heating system unique to Korea. It has its roots in a primitive form of heating based on a hearth and flues dating back to the Bronze Age and the Proto-Three Kingdoms period. Since early examples of ondol can be found across the Korean Peninsula at sites dating to between the third century BCE and the first century CE, it is estimated that the practice of making and using underfloor heating facilities has been transmitted on the Korean Peninsula for more than 2,000 years. Unlike Western-style indoor fireplaces, the ondol system does not directly emit exhaust through the chimney. The smoke from a firepit first flows through flues made underneath the floor of a room, keeping the room warm for long periods without producing indoor smoke. As the quintessential element of traditional Korean housing culture, the ondol system informs on how Koreans have traditionally heated their houses. It illustrates their knowledge and use of the natural environment and their everyday lives. Ondol is also an important element in house building, interior design, and furniture design. Ondol rooms have long been established as one of the most important elements in Korean popular culture. While the unheated wooden-floored spaces within a traditional Korean house is an architectural response to the summer heat, the ondol rooms are preparations for harsh winter weather. Ondol is a unique Korean housing technology clearly distinguished from the underfloor heating systems found in China and Manchuria. Despite great advancements in heating technology and recent radical changes in housing and lifestyles, underfloor heating continues to thrive the present. Ondol has been designated as National Intangible Cultural Heritage for its sociocultural value as an indispensable element of Korean housing culture and popular culture, and also for its evidential significance to the creativity and wisdom Korean people exerted in their efforts to adapt to the local climate. * As the ondol system is part of Korean housing customs long shared widely across the nation, no particular holders or holder groups have been recognized for this element.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

Traditional felt carpets represent one of the identity codes of the Kyrgyz people, and their recognizable, ethnographic features are an integral part of Kyrgyz cultural heritage. Kyrgyz people traditionally produce two types of felt carpets: Ala-kiyiz and Shyrdaks. Knowledge, skills, diversity, the semantics of ornaments, and the ceremonies of creating carpets, are all important cultural components. They provide Kyrgyz people with a sense of identity and continuity. Both types of felt carpets are included into the set of a traditional bride’s dowry. Shyrdaks sometimes are gifted for house-warming parties. The making of Kyrgyz felt carpets is inseparably linked with the everyday lifestyle of nomads, who used felt carpets to warm and decorate their homes. Ala-kiyiz are usually placed in the kitchen and the entrance area of the house. Shyrdaks are more complicated to produce and are more expensive, thus they are placed at the honourable part of the dwelling. The felt carpets ornaments reflect their creators’ outlooks and ideas about the Earth, water, mountains, celestial bodies and fertility.

Kyrgyzstan 2012

Craftsmanship of the Mongol Ger is a traditional enterprise involving the labour of a household or group, with men carving the wood and both women and men engaged in painting, sewing and stitching, and felt-making. Wooden frames comprise the crown, roof poles, wall lattices, door, two pillars and furniture produced by separate carpenters specialized for each. Traditional craftsmanship of Mongol ger is indeed reflects the nomadic culture, national identity which stands for the name card of Mongols to the world. Traditional craftsmanship is taught to the younger generations, principally through mentoring by a senior craftsperson. Dismantling and reassembling the Ger are always family operations, with children learning by watching their elders. Cutting and preparing sheep’s wool, making felt, stitching canvas and preparing woodwork are usually communal endeavours. As a traditional dwelling, the Mongol Ger plays an important social and cultural role for nomadic families and its makers are highly respected.

Mongolia 2013