ALL
festival
ICH Elements 241
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Practices of Then by Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups in Viet Nam
Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.
Viet Nam 2019 -
Khon, masked dance drama in Thailand
Khon is a highly-refined performing art that combines multiple artistic elements: musical, vocal, literary, dance, ritual and handicraft. It may have combined features of ancient genres: court ritual, martial art, and the shadow play. It tells the story of Ramakien – the localized Thai version of the Ramayana epic. Its many episodes depict the life of Rama, his journey in the forest, his love for his wife Sita, his army of monkeys, the fights with the army of Thosakan (Ravana), king of the giants, and his final victory. The dancers wear elaborately embroidered costumes. The giants and monkeys all wear masks that cover their entire head. The colours and shape of each mask are unique to each character. The drama is enacted through dancing, accompanied by a piphat classical xylophone ensemble, singing, and narration. Each major type of characters has a distinct mode of dance expression. The dance postures and movements, the music, and the repertoire have been handed down from generations since the 15th century. The masked dance performances form part of social practices such as royal cremation, cremation of high-ranking persons or revered monks, and celebration of sacred sites and temples. Dancers, musicians, craftsmen and other members of Khon community annually perform a ceremony to honour Khon masters of the past, teachers, and deities. During this ceremony, new members are initiated into the community. Khon performance is continually evolving with new interpretations, and the adoption of modern technology for stagecraft, whilst retaining its traditional intensive dance training and ritual.
Thailand 2018 -
Suri Jagek (observing the sun), traditional meteorological and astronomical practice based on the observation of the sun, moon and stars in reference to the local topography
Suri Jagek, literally translated to ‘observing the Sun’ is the traditional Kalasha meteorological and astronomical knowledge system and practice based on the observation of the Sun, Moon, Stars and Shadows with respect to the local topography. The practice of Suri Jagek demonstrates the relationship of the Kalasha people with their surroundings and the capacity of their immediate geographical context to sustain their way of life. Suri Jagek is a knowledge system which connects a long history of “events” to topographical locations. The system is a complex structure of empirically observed accumulated knowledge and is repeatedly referenced to allow the Kalasha people to predict the appropriate time for the sowing of seed, animal husbandry and natural calamities. It is also used to govern the Kalasha calendar by determining dates of important social events, festivals, feasts and religious ceremonies. It draws greatly from the rich cultural heritage and social practices of the people, therefore functioning in the capacity of a repository of the history of the people and the region at large. Visual cues existing within the periphery of the topography are used to mark the specific positions of the rising and setting Sun, and hence the collective markings are used to record the positions of the Sun throughout the year. Observatories called ‘Suri Jagaekein’, are chosen in each village to observe the rising Sun, and a separate location is assigned to observe its setting. The specific positions on which the sun casts its shadows are also marked in some people’s houses on walls or poles etc. Individual localities have their own specific knowledge, generated using the common processes of marking the positions of the Sun. Qazis, who are authorities on matters pertaining to religion, history and indigenous models of conflict resolution, farmers, some shepherds and a few village elders are the knowledge bearers of Suri Jagek and the observations at the Suri Jagaekein made by various community members are shared in communal gatherings. A general consensus is reached in a Jirga (communal forum); however, presently this is only practiced in the Rukmu valley on the 16th of December. Knowledge related to the constellations of stars, meanings of various types of rainbows and the study of clouds as well as shadows are all in the wider ambit of Suri Jagaek. The Libra constellation known as Tarazu is considered particularly important during the Spring period coinciding with the month of Amaal Mastruk. When the constellation is observed in its clarity during the month, it is indicative of the ground softening the next morning; a time considered vital for the planting of crops.
Pakistan 2018 -
Epic art of Gorogly
The entire epos includes a historical range of the legendary achievements of the ancient national hero of Gorogly and his 40 cavalrymen by recording all major events of traditional lifespan of the Turkmen people. The aspiration of the Turkmen nation for a happy life, unification, freedom and justice as well as their features such as bravery, honesty, partiotism, freindship, tolerance and fairness have been reflected in the epos. The element is a combined genre of oral traditions and performing art incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation and musical composition, where a prose and poetry are alternated in its perforamnce. Its bearers and practitioners are epic performers-dessanchy bagshy specialized in the Gorogly epic. It is by tradition performed by one dessanchy bagshy playing the dutar (a two stringed, long-necked lute) in a sitting position, while narrating prose and reciting poetry in a way to deliver the characters' feelings and emotions to the accompaniment to the traditional musical instruments such as dutar and gyjak (a fiddle-like Turkmen musical instrument). It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, celebrations, national ceremonies, life rituals, national festivals and special "Folklore Festivals". The element provides related communities with a sense of social and cultural identity and it is considered as a main symbol of Turkmen people to sustain their cultural identity being as an oral encyclopedia and it remains the inexhaustible fountain-head to nurture their cultural psychology, national character, mentality, creative capacity and artistic skills.
Turkmenistan 2015 -
Traditional turkmen carpet making art in Turkmenistan
The traditional turkmen carpets and carpet products are the hand-woven woollen textile goods of ornamental art with quadrangular shape in different sizes with dense texture ornamented with characteristic colored patterns pertaining each separately to one of five main turkmen tribes (tekke, yomut, ersary, saryk and salor). Their designs form patterns from clear linear geometric ornaments (dots, lines and figures). Compositional decision of the turkmen carpets has characteristic features: the central field with major patterns ("gels") in octagonal forms is limited with the borders, patterns which differ from that of the central field. The alternation of recurrence of designs represented with combination of the belt and centric ornamental compositions. Reality surrounding a carpet weaver (local flora, fauna and environment) has been reflected in a combination of the threads, pictures and colours creating carpet designs. The turkmen carpets are created on horizontal or vertical looms mainly using different coloured wool threads. Weavers use both types of knotting; double knots with double weft or one-and-a half knot with double weft. Carpets serve both as a floor covering and a wall decoration functions and substitute furniture to satisfy everyday aesthetic needs of turkmen people. There are also special carpets woven for the birth of a child, for wedding ceremonies, for prayers and for mourning rituals. Carpet products such as chuvals (sacks), khorjuns (saddle-bags), torbas (bags) are destined for clothing, transportation of various household paraphernalia and used for decorations of camels, horses, nomad tents, wedding processions etc.
Turkmenistan 2019 -
Kazakh Kuresi – Traditional wrestling
Kazakh Kuresi represents ancient form and style of Kazakh traditional wrestling, essential element of all festive events, celebrations and integral part of modern Kazakhstani national identity. Since ancient times, the beauty of this sports and strength of the hero-wrestlers “Baluans” have been reflected in folk epics, fairy legends, Kazakh literature like the poem of Iliyas Zhansugurov “Kulager” and Gabit Musrepov’s novel “Ulpan”, and archaeological findings. Wrestling of two opponents is performed on 12m.x 12m. sized mat. The opponents are matched according to their weight category ranging from 60 kg and above 90 kg. All techniques are performed above the waist – wrestlers must fight on foot, making it more difficult. Wrestling on the ground is prohibited. The purpose is to lay the opponent on shoulders. Duration of the match is 5 minutes with extra time of 3 minutes which is offered in case of even number of points. Evaluation of matches is counted by: a) “Buk” – if the opponent touches the mat with abdomen, knee or both knees; b) “Zhambas” is given for three “Buks” or when the opponent touches the mat with one side of pelvis or both; b) “Zhartylay zhenis” is awarded for the technique when the opponent touches the mat with both shoulders.
Kazakhstan 2016 -
Art of crafting and playing with Kamantcheh/Kamancha, a bowed string musical instrument
The art of crafting and playing with Kamantcheh/kamancha (“little bow”), a bowed string instrument, has exsited for more than 1,000 years. In Iran and Azerbaijan, types of this art constitute major elements of classical and folkloric Music. Classical Iranian Music refers to the urban music with “Radif” repertoir; the Folkloric Kamantcheh Music refers to the mainly rural musical traditions of Azarbayjan, Lorestan, and Torkaman Sahra. In both countries, contemporary practitioners mainly make and use four string Kamantcheh/kamancha composed of a body (chamber, neck and pegs) and a bow with horse-hair. Some Folkloric variants with two or three strings are also popular in Lorestan, Azarbayjan, or Torkaman Sahra, Iran(also, cf.D). Craftsmanship starts with choosing wood material. Craftspeople use walnut and/or mulberry for the body, and cornel for the bow. In Azerbaijan, only ball-shaped resonating chambers are crafted. Iranian communities produce the following resonating chambers/sound-boxes: 1-Pošt-baste(""closed in the back""):A hollow oval with sheep-skin; 2-Pošt-bāz(""open in the back""):A half-cone, with sheep-skin on one end. Craftspeople create a bowl and a round fingerboard, and unite them with an iron billow that ends up with a base shaft at the bottom. The chamber’s open side is covered with sturgeon, catfish, sheep or bovine bubble skin. They very often inlay the body with mother-of-pearl or other materials to express and mark different motifs and add their personal touch to the external decoration. In Iran, calligraphy, wood carvings, or inlayed jewels and shells are also practiced. The instrument rests on the base shaft and stands vertically on performer's lap or beside them; performers move the bow horizentally on the strings, and pivote Kamantcheh round the shaft to facilitate transfers on the strings. Kamantcheh/kamancha produces strong and subtle sounds, close to human voice with the sound diapason ranging from small octave ‘A’ to the third octave ‘A’. Players perform large works and etudes using various performing techniques, individually or as part folk orchestras. Generations of performers have left invaluable heritage of Kamantcheh/kamancha works, which are reproduced by young performers, adding their own playing dynamics and colouring. Transmitted from generations to generations at professional and amateur levels, within families or professional education institutions, this art brings together a large community of Kamantcheh/kamancha music lovers and listeners and continues to be a marker of cultural belonging.
Azerbaijan,Iran 2017 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Meshrep
Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.
China 2010 -
Lum medicinal bathing of Sowa Rigpa, knowledge and practices concerning life, health and illness prevention and treatment among the Tibetan people in China
The Lum Medicinal Bathing of Sowa Rigpa (Tibetan Medicine) has been developed by the Tibetan people within a life view based on Jungwa-nga (five elements) – i.e., Sa (earth), Chu (water), Me (fire), Lung (wind) and Namkha (space) – and a view about health and illness based on Nyepa-sum (three dynamics) – i.e., Lung, Tripa and Pekan. In Tibetan, “Lum” indicates the traditional knowledge and practices of bathing in natural hot springs, herbal water or steam to adjust the balance of mind and body, to ensure health and treat illnesses. Influenced by the Bon religion and Tibetan Buddhism, Lum embodies folk experiences in illness prevention and treatment, and reflects the transmission and development of traditional knowledge represented by the treatise Gyud zhi (the Four Tantras) in present-day health practice. Lum is practiced under the guidance of a Manpa (traditional physician) in two ways. One is bathing in Five Types of Hot Springs containing different minerals. The other, bathing with Five Medicinal Nectars, includes three methods: immersion, steam-bathing and applications with sachets. In this process, Manpa, in collaboration with Lum Jorkhan (pharmacist) and Manyok (Lum assistant), conducts symptom differentiation based on observation, questions and pulse palpation. Then preparation of medicines includes herb compound, boiling, fermentation and addition of extra herbs. The element has been transmitted over generations through daily life, religious rituals, folkloric activities and medical practices on account of its safety and accessibility. While providing Tibetans with a sense of identity and continuity, the element reflects cultural diversity and human creativity.
China 2018 -
Kyrgyz epic trilogy: Manas, Semetey, Seytek
Kyrgyz Epic Trilogy "Manas. Semetey. Seytek" represents three interconnected parts of Epos created more than millennium ago. Manas is the epic hero who united scattered tribes into one nation – Kyrgyz. Deeds of Manas were continued by his son Semetey and his grandson Seytek. Trilogy became the immortal spirit and basic identity of the Kyrgyz. Kyrgyz people did not preserve their written language, therefore, they attach great importance to the oral Trilogy which has preserved their historical memory. World-wide known writer Chinghiz Aitmatov stressed that Epic Trilogy is a synonym of Kyrgyz and is an encyclopaedia of their life. It is one of the biggest epics in the world; its version contains 500 553 lines. Today there are more than 80 versions. Kyrgyz people say: “There is no Trilogy without tellers”. Trilogy lives thanks to community of epic tellers - manaschies, semeteychies, seytekchies. Continuous epic narration may last many hours in a row. Epic tellers believe that Trilogy narration is their mission assigned from above; it gives them sense of identity and continuity.
Kyrgyzstan 2013 -
‘Arkan tartysh’ (Tug-o-war)
‘Arkan tartysh’ is one of the most ancient Kyrgyz games. The game is played by both women and men on flat area. All participants must be the same in strength and the age. Players split into two even groups and each group tries to overpower the other. The rope is short, about 4-5 meters long with knots at each end. Only the front players in each team hold the rope. The other players hold one another by the waste. Players must keep their line-up and pull the opposing side across the central line. The team that crosses the line loses. In some regions, tug of war is also played one-on-one.
Kyrgyzstan