ALL
folk play
ICH Elements 36
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Tugging Rituals and Games
Inscribed in 2015 (10.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Tugging rituals and games of Vietnam have different characteristics, meanings and rules. The element is held as part of village festivals in Spring, a form for communities to pray for abundant harvests and prosperity, marking the start of a new agricultural cycle. Tugging game symbolizes the power of natural forces like the sun, water source that influence the harvests. In some localities, tugging game is associated with the legends of worshiped heroes for their merit in reclaiming the land, fighting against foreign invaders, protecting prosperous life of the people. It is usually held at the communal houses or temples after the rirual of commemoration of local guardian deities finished. The material used for tugging varies from region to region, reflecting the ecological and cultural context of each community, it can be made of bamboo, rattan stems, or ropes. The procedure for selecting teams or players is in accordance to the ritual rules, and the winning or losing team is regulated by customs to express certain religious meanings and the harmony of nature. Nowadays, tugging rituals and games are popularly known as a folk game that is entertaining, sporty and collective.
Cambodia,South Korea,Philippines,Viet Nam 2015 -
Suyeong Yaryu (Mask Dance Drama of Suyeong)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Yaryu is a custom of Ogwangdae (mask dance drama) that was first performed in inland areas of Gyeongsangnam-do but spread to Suyeong, Dongnae, and Busanjin. Yaryu literally means playing in an open field. This mask play was performed by non-professionals such as villagers. Suyeong Yaryu is performed by villagers when the full moon rises on the night of January 15 on the lunar calendar after holding a sacrificial rite for mountain guardian deities, village spring water, and the spirit of General Choe Yeong. Two hundred years ago, a naval commander had a troupe of clowns in Bamma-ri, Chogye (present-day Yulji-ri, Deokgok-myeon, Hapcheon-gun, Gyeongsangnam-do) play a round of merrymaking for his troops in a naval compound. This is said to have been the origin of Suyeong Yaryu. The performance is composed of four acts: Nobleman’s Dance, Yeongno Dance, Dance of an Old Couple, and Lion Dance. Prior to the play, the troupe marches, playing music, to entertain spectators along the road to the site of performance. At the end of the performance, they collect the masks used and burn them as a rite of praying for the peace of the village. Characters appearing in the performance are 11 in all, four from the noble family, a son of the head of a clan, Malttugi (a servant), Yeongno (a therianthropic character), an old woman, a concubine of an old man, a lion, and a tiger. The performance includes a satire about nobles and deals with the problem of concubines. In contrast with the other Yaryu, it does not have a leper dance, but it does include a lion dance, which is missing from the other Yaryu. Suyeong Yaryu is a play performed by masked performers. It is a ritual and satirical play with artistic quality performed by villagers.
South Korea -
Hahoe Byeolsingut Tallori (Mask Dance Drama of Hahoe)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Byeolsingut refers to a ritual held to pray to the village guardian for the peace of the village and good crop every three or five or ten years. In Hahoe Village in Andong, the villagers have performed this ritual for about 500 years, once (December 15) every 10 years or on special occasions. The rite is composed of eight acts, i.e. Gaksiui Mudong Madang (Boy Dancer Act), Juji Madang (Head Monk Act), Baekjeong Madang (Butcher Act), Halmi Madang (Old Woman Act), Pagyeseung Madang (Depraved Monk Act), Yangban Seonbi Madang (Act of Nobleman and Scholar), Hollye Madang (Wedding) Act, and Sinbang Madang (The First Night Act). The play includes ridicule of depraved monks, satires about nobles, and other humorous content. It is believed that the mask for a newly-wed woman symbolizes the village guardian. Thus, the mask is shown to people only during Byeolsingut. A total of eleven masks in ten types made of alder wood are used for the play. The original masks were designated as National Treasure No. 121 in 1964. The play is performed to the accompaniment of pungmulkkun (a farmer’s music band composed of kkwaenggwari (small gong), taepyeongso (conical wooden oboe), sogo (small drums), buk (drums), janggo (hourglass-shaped drum), and jing (large gong). This play performed in Hahoe ends without the post-event rite of burning the masks used as in mask play events that are held elsewhere. It is regarded as a valuable source of material in relation to how mask plays were performed in the country.
South Korea -
Goseong Ogwangdae (Mask Dance Drama of Goseong)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Goseong Ogwangdae, whose name is known to have originated from traditional belief in the Five Elements, is a form of traditional folk performance developed in the southern part of Korea including Goseong, hence the name. Initially, Goseong Ogwangdae was performed by the Ogwangdae troupe on the eve of the Daeboreum (full moon of the 15th day of the first lunar month), but it gradually came to be performed on other festive days in spring and autumn as well. Goseong Ogwangdae can be traced back to the 1910s when a group of masked dancers in the Namchon Sect happened to watch a performance of the Tongyeong Ogwangdae (Mask Dance Drama of Tongyeong) which inspired them to develop their own version. It was later influenced by the Changwon Ogwangdae (Mask Dance Drama of Changwon), too, when it developed five dances to form each episode, namely, the Leper’s Dance, Ogwangdae Dance, Monk’s Dance, Bibi Dance, and Jemilju Dance. These dances are presented by a total of nineteen characters including Leper, Malttugi, Won Yangban, Cheongje Yangban, Jeokje Yangban, Baekje Yangban, Heukje Yangban, Hongbaek Yangban, Jongga Doryeong, Bibi, Bibi Yangban, Monk, Bride, Old Man, Old Woman, Jemilju, and Servant. Each performance focuses on the life of commoners, the complex relations between people from different rungs of society, and the absurdity and hypocrisy of Confucian aristocrats and Buddhist priests. Unlike the performances by other Owangdae troupes, its dances lack elements of the shaman’s dance, which was performed to expel evil forces, and instead include more entertaining elements. Performers of Tongyeong Ogwangdae wore paper masks in its early days, but recently they have begun to use masks made of paulownia wood or gourds. Tongyeong Ogwangdae is now inscribed on the list of Important Intangible Cultural Heritages.
South Korea -
Miryang Baekjung Nori (Baekjung Festival of Miryang)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Servants of farm households in Miryang got a day off on Baekjung (July 15 on the lunar calendar) after spending months at arduous work to engage in merrymaking. In Miryang, the day was also called Servants’ Day. Their masters provided food and liquor for them. The festival is composed of Nongsinje (Rite to Farming Deity), Jakdu maltagi (a group of people carrying the person selected as the best servant in the village on a wooden structure), Chumpan (a round of merrymaking dances), and a post-event dance. This festival features comical expression of the subdued feeling of servants, who had to live a hard life. The Cripples’ dance and Obokchum dance are handed down only in Miryang. Baegimnaesawi is the main dance movement displayed in this festival. It features lively movements in which the right hand and the right foot and then the left hand and the left foot move in tandem.
South Korea -
Kolok-pa (An Indigenous Game)
Kolok-pa is the game played in the Thongsa locality. The name of the game is directly derived from the name given to the element. Such game can play in any number of people more than two; it can be played in even numbers only like, two, four, six, eight and ten. According to the local elders the exact date of which the game is been played is not known. However, the game is usually played in the winter seasons, as it is the end of fruitful tiring journey of the year to the villagers as mostly the field are left uncultivated and people do not have works to carry on in the field. The people usually played for fun and for enjoyment by keeping simple bet. Kolok-pa game does not differentiate the gender and age of the player, such game can be played by mixing gender, nevertheless the players opt to play gender wise only, in order to have balance and competitive competition. According to 65 years old Meme Ugyen Guru, the game in the past can be played by burning bamboos and pinewoods for lighting the ground in the evenings. Mostly the betting they used to keep are for Bangchang, Ara (Local wine), pork and eating and drinking. The winner of the match is declare based on mutual understanding made within the players, either to pay bet after every game or out of three sets. According to the local present during our study, they asserted that Kolok-pa game is still playing; however, they share their concern that such game is slowly declining due to the change of times and due to the modernization. Aum Nim Gyalmo shared that nowadays due to the digital games and other available of entertainment, youth are found with least interest to play such age old game, where their interest are driven to digital.
Bhutan -
Yangju Byeolsandae Nori (Mask Dance Drama of Yangju)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Yangju Byeolsandae Nori is one of the Sandae Dogam performed by itinerary troupes based in Seoul and the capital region. Consisting of dance, pantomime, well-wishing remarks, and acrobatics, it originated about 200 years ago and came to be performed during holidays and seasonal festivals such as the Buddha’s Birthday, Dano Festival, and Chuseok (Harvest Moon Festival on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month) and during ritual prayers for rainfall. Yangju Byeolsandae Nori is known to have originated from the mask dances performed by the Sajikgol Ttakttagipae group in Seoul. Each performance consists of eight episodes, which were often preceded by a parade in which performers wearing masks would dance around a town playing music, and hold a rite consisting of prayers for the safety of its residents. The main event was essentially a satire of Korean society with 32 characters representing different social groups and stereotypes, including depraved monks, impoverished aristocrats, shamans, buffoons, servants, and commoners.
South Korea -
Dongnae Yaryu (Mask Dance Drama of Dongnae)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Yaryu is a custom of Ogwangdae (mask dance drama) that was first performed in the inland areas of Gyeongsangnam-do but spread to Suyeong, Dongnae, and Busanjin. Yaryu literally means playing in an open field. This mask play was performed by non-professionals like villagers. Dongnae Yaryu was performed on the evening of the full moon of January 15 on the lunar calendar, supposedly to pray for a good year for crops. Dongnae Yaryu was said to have been started about 100 years ago after its cousin performed in nearby Suyeong. Now performed as an entertainment, it is composed of four acts: leper dance, gag exchanged between a yangban (nobleman) and Malttugi (servant), Yeongno (therianthropic character)’s dance, and old couple’s dance. Members of the troupe march to the site of performance while playing music. The main subject of the performance is a satire about nobles. The masks are made of gourds. The chin part of the masks is made movable, moving upward and downward while its wearer delivers a gag. The play is performed to the accompaniment of percussion instruments, which play exorcist music. Malttugi’s dance and nobleman’s dance are the leading performances. Obangsin (Deities of the Five Directions)’s dance, satire about deprave monks, and lion dance -- which are usually included in Ogwangdae mask dance drama -- are not performed in Dongnae Yaryu.
South Korea -
Mongolian traditional practices of worshipping the sacred sites
Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.
Mongolia 2017 -
Coaxing ritual for camels
The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.
Mongolia 2015 -
Peking opera
Integrating singing, reciting, dancing and martial arts performing, Peking Opera is a comprehensive performing art of traditional opera. In mid 19th Century, having incorporated elements of various opera forms from both northern and southern China, Peking Opera came into being. It was first created by civilians. Its development was then greatly promoted by the royal family, and reached its peak in the capital city of Beijing. Peking Opera is the most widespread and influential among over 300 opera forms in China. Hence it is also called the “National Opera”. Beijing dialect is used in the singing and reciting of Peking Opera where rhyme is of great importance. There is also a strict set of rules and forms of libretto composition. Peking Opera is based on Xipi tune and Erhuang tune. Xipi tune is applied to express passion, joy and ecstasy, whereas Erhuang tune is used to depict sadness and grief. Music (singing) plays a key role in setting the pace of the show, creating a proper atmosphere, shaping the characters, and smoothing the progress of the story. Traditional musical instruments are used in Peking Opera shows, where the drummer plays the role of a conductor and the “Jinghu” player acts as the first violinist in an orchestra. Strings and pipes, such as Jinghu, Yueqin and Sanxian, are known for their tender and melodious sounds, which are called “Wen Yue”, or civilian music. Whereas percussions including Bangu and Daluo make brisk and powerful beats, which are called “Wu Yue”, or military music. Singing and dancing are equally important to the performance of Peking Opera, which is characterized by its formularized and symbolic style. Performers have to follow the established format of movements of hands, eyes, body, and feet. Peking Opera only requires simple stage settings and props, following the principle of abstract presentation of big items (for example houses and walls are not necessary on stage) and specific presentation of small items (tables, chairs, cups and saucers, for instance, are used as props on stage). The exquisite and skilful acting of the performers can also help to unfold a virtual yet vivid stage setting to the audience. The costume and headdress in Peking Opera are flamboyant. The facial make-up is exaggerative and delicate. The lively opera face shows the character’s personality and social identity with concise symbols, colours and patterns, expressing the traditional Chinese aesthetic ideals. The storylines of Peking Opera originate from history, anecdotes and folk legends. About 100 of more than 3,000 Peking Opera shows are still being performed frequently today, such as “The Twin Bliss of Dragon and Phoenix”, “The Tipsy Imperial Concubine”, and “The Orphan of Zhao”. Over the process of its transmission, over 30 schools of Peking Opera with different singing characteristics have been gradually developed. The most famous schools include the Mei School (founded by Mei Lanfang) and the Tan School (created by Tan Xinpei). The Mei School, a performance system named after Mei Lanfang, is regarded as a representative of China’s opera performance systems, and one of the three major opera performance systems of the world. Nowadays, it is mostly the practitioners of professional and amateur troupes who shoulder the mission of passing down Peking Opera. Beijing Peking Opera House, Tianjin Peking Opera House, and Shanghai Peking Opera House play the most significant role in the transmission and development of Peking Opera. Prestigious Peking Opera artists, such as Wang Jinlu, Tan Yuanshou, Mei Baojiu, Li Changchun, Zhao Baoxiu, not only inherit their respective schools in a creative way, but also shoulder the responsibility of training performers of a younger generation. The traditional performing art of Peking Opera is still well received by the public. In Beijing alone it attracts over one million audiences every year. Some Peking Opera fans can not only appreciate it, but also practice it. They are also making a special contribution to the survival and development of Peking Opera. Opera towers and guild halls dedicated to staging Peking Opera shows, such as Huguang Guild Hall in Beijing and Tianchan Yifu Stage in Shanghai, are important cultural venues for relative communities and their “spiritual wonderland”. The major mode of transmission of Peking Opera is to “conduct oral teaching and inspire true understanding of the trainee”. In the past, the master of an opera troupe applied such a method to train his disciples. Even today, this mode is still being extensively used in opera trainings. As an inheritor and practitioner, each Peking Opera performer has to go through a series of rigorous and systematic training at a young age. A trainee will gradually master basic skills including reciting, singing, dancing, and martial arts performing through taking oral instructions from the master, and observing the master’s behaviour. A performing artist of Peking Opera will need to constantly improve his or her artistic attainments through a long-term practice, so as to enrich and solidify the heritage. The representative bearers of Peking Opera typically have mastery of various forms of traditional Chinese culture, such as calligraphy and history, and they are very respected by the public. Peking Opera is unique in its perfect, romantic and abstract way of performing. It is the practitioners’ special expression of their feelings and aesthetic ideals. It is also an important symbol of Chinese cultural identity.
China 2010 -
Iri Nongak (Farmers' Performance of Iri)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Referring to farmers’ music that has been handed down in Iksan (previously called “Iri”), Iri Nongak belongs to Honam Udo Nongak (Farmers’ Performance of the Eastern Jeolla-do). Nongak (farmers’ performance) has developed briskly in Saesil Village in Iksan. The village brought people who learned farmers’ music from experts in nearby areas like Gimje and Jeongeup and who trained a high-quality farmers’ music troupe as we see today. An Iri nongak troupe is composed of yonggi (dragon flag), nonggi (farmers’ flag), swaenap (conical wooden oboe), trumpet, samul four percussion instruments, i.e., two kkwaenggwari (small gongs), two jing (large gongs), two buk (drums), and four janggo (hourglass-shaped drums), beopgo (Buddhist drum), and japsaek referring to a group composed of yangban (nobleman), daeposu (drummer), jorijung (masked clown), changbu (male clown), gaksi (young girl), and mudong (dancing boys). Troupe members who are called chibae or gunchong wear black vest over white jacket, white trousers, and sangmo (hat with feathers or strings attached), with bands in three colors tied around the head. Kkwaenggwari (small gong)-based rhythms include those related to ilche, ichae, samchae, oemachijilgut, pungnyugut, ochaejilgut, jwajilgut, yangsando garak, hohogut, and obangjin garak. Pangut (entertainment-oriented performance) proceeds in the order of insagut, ochaejilgut, jwajilgut, pungnyugut, yangsando, ginmaedoji (joint performance of kkwaenggwari and janggo), sambangjingut, banguljingut, hohogut, dallachigi, short maedoji, jjakdeureum, ilgwang nori, gujeong nori (individual play), and gi sseulgi. There are diverse forms of bupo nori (hat dance) performed by sangsoe (leader of the farmers’ music troupe). Well-developed janggo rhythms and dances are mixed with the music. The performance also features sogochum (small drum dances) and jinpuri march. Many rhythms are relatively slow. The music makes colorful rhythms, each played to meticulously transformed tunes. Pungnyugut and deongdeokgungi-related rhythms showcase highly sophisticated techniques. Iri Nongak is a folk art performance that has been handed down along with the village history, playing an important role as an event that provides consolation in the hard life of farmers and helps villagers get along with each other well.
South Korea 2014