“Kin” means to eat; “Pang” means ceremony, the person attending the ceremony; “Then” refers to the gods in Mường Trời. Kin Pang Then is a festival to celebrate adopted children of the White Thai people. The ceremony is organized by Then workers to meet adopted children to give thanks and celebrate Then's fate. The ritual takes place in early spring (from before the full moon in January to before the full moon in March every year), and is held once every 3 years. Mr. Then himself chose a specific day for his adopted children to know and attend. The day of the Kin Pang Then ceremony must be before the full moon day of the first lunar month. The pang tree is the center of ceremonies and is elaborately decorated. The Then altar and offering tray include many items. On the evening of the first day, Master Then prepared the pan cai offering tray to worship Then, including sticky rice, paddy, betel and areca, wine, eggs, steamed sticky rice, salt, white cloth, cotton thread, silver bracelet, incense, lamp, money, water, flowers, etc. Master Then wears traditional costumes to worship at the Then altar. Báo Khỏa plays the piano, Sao Chay assists him and shakes the bell. After performing the purification and blessing ceremony, Mr. Then asked the patriarch for permission to perform the ceremony. Master Then went to Then village to invite Then to come down and play, celebrate the adopted children's ceremony, and bless the adopted children with good health, prosperous business, and good harvests. After offering offerings to Then, Master Then, Sao Chay, Báo Khỏa, and their adopted children became monks. The next morning, the Then family slaughtered chickens, and pigs, and prepared sticky rice for the offering ceremony. One offering tray is placed at the ancestral worship place (clọ hóng) and one offering tray is placed at the Then altar (hỉnh một). In case Then's parents are still alive, they must ask Then's father to make offerings to their ancestors at the Clọ hóng pavilion. After worshiping the ancestors, Master Then made offerings to each adopted child. The adopted child's offerings include chicken, wine, sticky rice, Chung cake, and 1 piece of white cloth, arranged on separate trays. During the worshiping ceremony, Mr. Then worshiped while resting, drinking wine, drinking water, smoking, and singing back and forth with Báo Khỏa and Sao Chay. After offering offerings to the adopted children, Master Then and Sao Chay performed folk games and had fun with the adopted children.

Every year, the Phu La people in Nan Sin commune often organize a Forest Worship Ritual (lau pin phu) on the last day of the first lunar month. The Phu La people believe that the forest god always plays a very important role in their lives, providing shelter for human life. The ritual is presided over by the village elder. The location is usually close to the forest, with a large area. They build an altar made of bamboo, thatched roof with no truncated tops, with 4 legs about 1m high, about 1m long, on a bamboo altar surface 1m wide, 2m long. Families contribute offerings and money to the common organization. Each family must contribute a chicken, a bowl of rice, a bottle of wine, according to the regulations of the village community. In the Phu La Forest Worship Ritual, the village elder often doubles as a shaman, and will prepare the offerings according to traditional customs. The shaman must prepare the tools for the offering 2 days before the forest worshiping ritual, go into the forest to get a tree (cha mu sai) to carve into a wooden sword, about 70cm long, then smear black charcoal on the sword, and gather 10-15 children, on the day of the ritual, smear black charcoal on the children's faces to perform magic. In addition, he must make 2 pieces of bamboo to use as objects to ask for yin and yang during the ritual. The shaman holds the sword, points to the forbidden forest, goes to the altar and prays to invite the forest god to return to receive the offering and bless the villagers. After praying, the shaman pours wine into cups on the altar to invite the forest god and the land god to come back to enjoy the food and witness the villagers' sincerity. At noon of the forest worshiping ritual, the whole village finishes eating and drinking in the forest, then they go home, and return 3 days later to clean up. They avoid pregnant women and women who are not "clean" from participating in the ritual. After the ritual, each family will make a “phung manh” flag and hang it at the door to pray for good luck for the whole year. The “phung manh” flag is hung to pray for good luck for the family, for people and animals to be healthy. The family will change the “phung manh” flag every 3 years on the village forest worshiping day. This is a folk belief ritual with the meaning of protecting the ecological environment and praying for blessings with profound humanistic values of the Phu La ethnic group in Nan Sin commune. The forest worshiping festival aims to pray for the forest god to protect the village in peace, for people to be healthy, united, and have a good harvest. Through the Forest Worship Ritual, the Phu La community in Nan Sin commune is more united, educating the younger generation to protect and preserve the forest and the traditional culture of the Phu La ethnic group. With its good and important values, the Forest Worship Festival of Phu La people, Nan Sin commune (Xin Man district) was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018.

The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.

China 2011

Nanyin is one of the oldest music genres in China. It lasts for thousands of years and prevails in Minnan area (including Quanzhou, Xiamen and Zhangzhou, with Quanzhou as its center). Between 4 AD and 13 AD, the musical culture of central China went down to the south. It continuously integrated with the local arts and finally gave birth to the nanyin. The playing modes of nanyin are related with many forms of music and instruments, such as Xianghege (literally “Song of Harmony”) and Qingshangyue (a music genre) popular in the Han and Jin dynasties (B.C. 206-420 A.D.), and Yanyue (a kind of court banquet music) and Daqu (a grand piece) popular in the Tang Dynasty (618 -907). The singing of nanyin follows the Quanzhou dialect since it came out. The musical instruments adopted and only found in nanyin mainly include dongxiao, an end-blown bamboo flute originated from the Wei and Jin Dynasties (220 AD-420 AD) (found in the murals found in No. 6 tomb in Jiayu Pass) and pipa, a kind of crooked-necked and horizontally played instrument widely used in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) (found in the murals at Mogao Grottoes in Dunhuang). Nanyin also adopts some hand percussion instruments described in Yueshu (Book of Music) by Cheng Yang (1068-1128) of the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127), including clappers (made of five pieces of litchi wood), erxian (a two-stringed plucked instrument), sanxian (a three-stringed plucked instrument), siguan (a kind of pipe), xiangzhan (a kind of small bronze horizontal gong), xiaojiao (a kind of small bronze percussion instrument), sibao (a kind of bamboo clappers), shuangling (double-bell) and biangu (a kind of flat drum). The sculpture of apsarases playing musical instructions in Daxiong Hall and Jietan (the place for monastic vows) of the Kaiyuan Temple reflects the musical culture in the Tang Dynasty. The musical instruments in the sculpture can be found today in the performances of nanyin. The most popular combination of the musical instruments includes pipa, dongxiao, erxian, sanxian and clappers currently. The sounds played by the combination coincide with each other in different orders and give forth the peasant and lingering melodies. The melodies contain fixed alternation system on basis of seven tones in the diatonic scale. The singing and the musical performance in nanyin are very difficult. Both the music and the sound must “be steady, flow smoothly at starting, be deeply moving in the middle and sound strong and round at the end”. The musical notation in nanyin is the inheritance of Chinese ancient musical notation. It uses five Chinese characters of “乂, 工, 六, 思, 一” to represent five musical notes. The signs of pipa zhigupu (music notation) and time-beating are attached beside the characters, including the concerned diction in midst. From the Three Special Melodic Phenomenon in the Instrumental Music of Nanyin published 420 years ago (one special melodic phenomenon is kept in the Cambridge University Library in Britain, and the other two are kept in Sachsen-based state library in Germany) to the various folk manuscripts, it shows that nanyin had widely adopted the accurate musical notation. Nanyin consists of three components, namely, pu (qiyuequ, refers to suites of instrumental music that carry no texts), zhi (taoqu, a kind of suites with lyrics, notation and pipa’s fingering), and qu (sanqu or qingchang, refers to “qu singing”). Nanyin involves legends in different generations, social customs and public feelings, and is very instructive. Among the more than 3,000 existing pieces of works, Qu accounts for 90%. It also contains many famous poems of the Tang and Five dynasties (907-960), including In Memory of A Maiden of Qin (The flute plays) by Li Bai, An Epigraph in Praise of My Humble Home by Liu Yuxi, Sheng Cha Zi (The crescent moon) by Niu Xiji, and Waves Sifting Sand (The rain gurgle outside the curtains) by Li Yu. Some lost plays of nanxi (southern opera) in the Song and Yuan dynasties (1127-1368) such as the Wang Huan, a masterpiece, can be found in nanyin. They are the precious heritages in the history of ancient Chinese musical culture. Nanyin is a common hobby and an important component of life for people in Minnan (south of Fujian). Nanyin is shown in various places such as courtyards, teahouses, squares, stages, halls and chambers, and different occasions including weddings, funerals and festivals by multi-means. As Nanyin is a common hobby and an important component of life for people in Minnan (south of Fujian). Nanyin is shown in various places such as courtyards, teahouses, squares, stages, halls and chambers, and different occasions including weddings, funerals and festivals by multi-means. As Minnan people moved to other areas, nanyin was also brought to Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macao and the Southeast Asia. Wherever there are people from Minnan, there would have nanyin performance. Nanyin is the sound of hometown and motherland in the mind of Minnan people. Nanyin has become indispensable to the people's cultural life. An integral cultural event is composed of the sacrificial activities in spring and autumn, the ceremony for worshiping god of music (Meng Chang, 919-965), the master-disciple ceremony, the mutual visiting ceremony, social events and the nanyin performance. Nanyin is passed down and recreated by the local people in the long history of development. Various operas including puppet shows and Gaojia opera borrow ideas from nanyin. Nanyin lays a firm foundation for the growth of local opera music. Learning the musical and performance elements from local operas, nanyin greatly enriches the expressive force. By the innovation of integrating old tunes and new texts, nanyin advances with the times and meets the needs of environment and history.

China 2009

Every year, during the months of September to April, the festivals of Tshechu, Rabney, Mani, Me-wang, Choed-pa, Due-choed, Yak-choed, Drub and Drub-chen are conducted simultaneously at various heritage sites; Dzongs (fortresses), monasteries and temples in Bhutan. This event transforms the sites into decorated places filled with offerings in the shrines and the surroundings filled with the resonance of religious musical instruments. It also brings together monks and local communities to jointly perform propitiation and affirmation rituals for the patron deities, along with the presentation of various sacred mask dances. People gather with most enchanting dresses to receive the blessings, say prayers and enjoy the much-awaited festive event. These sensational dances are generally called Gar-chham which derived from Buddhist terminology. The term gar-chham is composed of two verbs: gar and chham. The various gestures exhibited by the hands are called Gar, whereas the manner of the legs is called Chham. Gar\u0002chham is considered one of the means of liberation called thong-drol (liberation through seeing), as it helps to mature and realize the primordial Buddha-nature, and reminds one to engage in wholesome activities. In the 8th century, Guru Padmasambava, a great Buddhist tantric master introduced the Gar-chham concept in Bhutan and also into the Buddhist tradition in 737 AD. This concept was further popularized by Terton (The Treasurer Revealer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) by introducing many sacred mask dances, mostly performed by laymen (community members). These performances are called Boe-chham. Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) also placed more emphasis on the importance of these dances and included them in the curricula of the central monastery under the title Gar-thig-yang-sum (Mask Dances, Proportions Mandala Drawing and Ritual Intonation) to embed them in the realm of cultural heritage. The gar-chhams performed by monks are called Tsun-chham. Whether Tsun-chham or Boe-chham, gar-chhams are generally divided into three broad categories: Trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham (manifested mask dances), Ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham (visualized mask dances), and Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances). The subjugation of evil spirits and the liberation of their impure soul into the realm of Buddhahood through manifestation into pacifying, enriching, magnetizing, and wrathful forms are called trul-pai zu-thrul gi gar-chham. An example of this dance is the dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Padmasambava. Similarly, ka-ter dag-nang gi gar-chham are the profound performances of the guardian deities witnessed during the intermediate state of all the sentient beings. Some examples of such performances are the mask dances introduced by Terton Pema Lingpa. Finally, Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham are performances identical to plays based on well-known biographies. These performances convey the righteous human values that lead to a harmonious life. One of the most popular plays is the mask dance of the Intermediate State after death. Tsun-chham or Boe-chham can be easily distinguished from the masked dance costumes. The Tsun-chham usually wears a brocade tunic with long and wide sleeves, while the boe-chham performers wear more colorful garments made of brocade and silk. In addition to the central monastic institutions, there are indigenous gar-chhams in communities and private temples and monasteries throughout the country, where community members are usually involved in organizing the event, performing the mask dance and presenting folk dances to safeguard their tradition.

Originating from the worship of General Trần Công Bát at Cấm Temple, the Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy Dancing and Singing Celebrations under Bông Ritual Pole is held annually by the Tai people in Xuan Phuc Commune on the 15th day of the first lunar month to express gratitude to their ancestors, heaven and earth, and gods, and to pray for favorable weather, a prosperous, peaceful, and happy life. The Tai people consider this a cultural and artistic activity of the community, so everyone in the village participates in full force. This ceremony usually lasts from 1 to 3 days and nights, to satisfy the spiritual needs of all classes of people in the village. The Bông Ritual Pole is the centerpiece of the festival, symbolizing the life of the village and nature. The most unique feature of the “Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy” Festival is the singing and dancing under the Bông Ritual Pole. The Bông Ritual Pole is made of bamboo or bamboo, the Bông Ritual Pole flowers are made from mulberry trees, cassava trees, and tens of platforms with shapes of birds, animals, and production tools. Depending on the generation of the Mo family, the Bông Ritual Pole is made from 3, 5, 7 to 9 or 12 floors. Currently, the Bông Ritual Pole in the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival in Roọc Răm village, Xuân Phúc commune is allowed to be 9 floors (meaning it has gone through 9 generations of Mo masters), with thousands of gerbera flowers from 30 to 40 petals. Each Bông Ritual Pole is compared by the people to a human destiny, each flower is a crop season. The festival is divided into two parts: The ceremony part is the spiritual rituals - the basic prayers told by the Mo masters about the story of establishing the village, establishing the village, praising ancestors, and those who have contributed. The person who plays the role of "God", plays the role of "Muong Troi" in the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival - Singing and dancing to celebrate under the Bông Ritual Pole has borrowed the "power" of the god to teach people to do good things, not to do evil, and to love each other. The festival is a system of 26-50 performances performed by Shamans or "Shaman Guests" such as: chopping wood, farming, sword dancing, sweeping the house, people playing the khene... each performance has a god from Muong Troi participating (played by the Shaman). In addition, there is also the playing of traditional musical instruments: Gongs, bamboo flutes, drums, boong bu, khene, flute; along with folk games such as: Hat khap, jumping on bamboo poles, beating mats, tug of war, throwing con... and cultural and culinary exchange. All rituals and performances take place under the Bông Ritual Pole. The Dancing and Singing Celebrations under Bông Ritual Pole has the meaning of community consolidation, and has a high traditional education value in the community. Through this ritual, the entire life of the community is recreated, including production activities, behavioral culture, beliefs... creating a unique and distinctive cultural and artistic form. From the long-standing spiritual and cultural values, the "Kin Chiêng Boọc Mạy" Festival - Singing and dancing to celebrate under the Bông Ritual Pole of Roọc Răm cultural village, Xuan Phuc commune, Nhu Thanh district, Thanh Hoa province was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2017.

Awang Batil is a story-teller only found in the state of Perlis. Originally he was known with the name ‘Awang Belanga’ because he used the ‘belanga’ or cooking pot as his music accompaniment. As cooking pot is covered with charcoal, it was then replaced with ‘batil’ that is copper water container. Thus the story-teller is called ‘Awang Batil’. The storyteller also plays other instruments such as the violin, serunai, rebana and gendang terinai. In yesteryears, Awang Batil travelled village to village and from house to house, especially houses that held wedding feasts, to tell his stories. Awang Batil inherits lots of folk stories. A story is in series and with continuities that drags to many evenings. Comedy elements are inserted in his story-telling while beating the copper water container with his fingers. The most commonly told stories of the Awang Batil are Raja Dewa Lok, Raja Bersiung, Raja Berdarah Putih, Anak Lang Pak Belang, Jabat Jabit, Abu Nawas, Cerita Angan-Angan and Awang Ada Duit Semua Jadi. At certain Acts Awang Batil wears a mask to relate the character of a ‘Hulubalang’ (Soldier) and the ‘Wak Nujum’ (Fortune Teller). Both are used when suitable characters appear in the stories to attract the audiences’ attention. The mask is made of wood and usually painted red and white. At a house that holds wedding feast Awang Batil performs in a small hut with a height of three to four meters. The audiences sit encircling the hut listening to his stories with laughter.

Integrating singing, reciting, dancing and martial arts performing, Peking Opera is a comprehensive performing art of traditional opera. In mid 19th Century, having incorporated elements of various opera forms from both northern and southern China, Peking Opera came into being. It was first created by civilians. Its development was then greatly promoted by the royal family, and reached its peak in the capital city of Beijing. Peking Opera is the most widespread and influential among over 300 opera forms in China. Hence it is also called the “National Opera”. Beijing dialect is used in the singing and reciting of Peking Opera where rhyme is of great importance. There is also a strict set of rules and forms of libretto composition. Peking Opera is based on Xipi tune and Erhuang tune. Xipi tune is applied to express passion, joy and ecstasy, whereas Erhuang tune is used to depict sadness and grief. Music (singing) plays a key role in setting the pace of the show, creating a proper atmosphere, shaping the characters, and smoothing the progress of the story. Traditional musical instruments are used in Peking Opera shows, where the drummer plays the role of a conductor and the “Jinghu” player acts as the first violinist in an orchestra. Strings and pipes, such as Jinghu, Yueqin and Sanxian, are known for their tender and melodious sounds, which are called “Wen Yue”, or civilian music. Whereas percussions including Bangu and Daluo make brisk and powerful beats, which are called “Wu Yue”, or military music. Singing and dancing are equally important to the performance of Peking Opera, which is characterized by its formularized and symbolic style. Performers have to follow the established format of movements of hands, eyes, body, and feet. Peking Opera only requires simple stage settings and props, following the principle of abstract presentation of big items (for example houses and walls are not necessary on stage) and specific presentation of small items (tables, chairs, cups and saucers, for instance, are used as props on stage). The exquisite and skilful acting of the performers can also help to unfold a virtual yet vivid stage setting to the audience. The costume and headdress in Peking Opera are flamboyant. The facial make-up is exaggerative and delicate. The lively opera face shows the character’s personality and social identity with concise symbols, colours and patterns, expressing the traditional Chinese aesthetic ideals. The storylines of Peking Opera originate from history, anecdotes and folk legends. About 100 of more than 3,000 Peking Opera shows are still being performed frequently today, such as “The Twin Bliss of Dragon and Phoenix”, “The Tipsy Imperial Concubine”, and “The Orphan of Zhao”. Over the process of its transmission, over 30 schools of Peking Opera with different singing characteristics have been gradually developed. The most famous schools include the Mei School (founded by Mei Lanfang) and the Tan School (created by Tan Xinpei). The Mei School, a performance system named after Mei Lanfang, is regarded as a representative of China’s opera performance systems, and one of the three major opera performance systems of the world. Nowadays, it is mostly the practitioners of professional and amateur troupes who shoulder the mission of passing down Peking Opera. Beijing Peking Opera House, Tianjin Peking Opera House, and Shanghai Peking Opera House play the most significant role in the transmission and development of Peking Opera. Prestigious Peking Opera artists, such as Wang Jinlu, Tan Yuanshou, Mei Baojiu, Li Changchun, Zhao Baoxiu, not only inherit their respective schools in a creative way, but also shoulder the responsibility of training performers of a younger generation. The traditional performing art of Peking Opera is still well received by the public. In Beijing alone it attracts over one million audiences every year. Some Peking Opera fans can not only appreciate it, but also practice it. They are also making a special contribution to the survival and development of Peking Opera. Opera towers and guild halls dedicated to staging Peking Opera shows, such as Huguang Guild Hall in Beijing and Tianchan Yifu Stage in Shanghai, are important cultural venues for relative communities and their “spiritual wonderland”. The major mode of transmission of Peking Opera is to “conduct oral teaching and inspire true understanding of the trainee”. In the past, the master of an opera troupe applied such a method to train his disciples. Even today, this mode is still being extensively used in opera trainings. As an inheritor and practitioner, each Peking Opera performer has to go through a series of rigorous and systematic training at a young age. A trainee will gradually master basic skills including reciting, singing, dancing, and martial arts performing through taking oral instructions from the master, and observing the master’s behaviour. A performing artist of Peking Opera will need to constantly improve his or her artistic attainments through a long-term practice, so as to enrich and solidify the heritage. The representative bearers of Peking Opera typically have mastery of various forms of traditional Chinese culture, such as calligraphy and history, and they are very respected by the public. Peking Opera is unique in its perfect, romantic and abstract way of performing. It is the practitioners’ special expression of their feelings and aesthetic ideals. It is also an important symbol of Chinese cultural identity.

China 2010

Chợ Được Mother Goddess Palanquins Procession Festival is held on the 10th and 11th of January at Bà's mausoleum to commemorate Bà or Notre Dame - the person who opened Được market and supported the villagers to do business. “Cộ” is the carriage carrying Notre Dame, the community do communion by bullock cart. Before the organization day, the table-making teams prepared and made the most beautiful tables. Rituals include Praying for peace, commemorating the Notre Dame, procession of Cộ Bà and some folk performances. The festival only takes place at night, the offerings are all vegetarian dishes. The investiture is carried out in front of the procession, with bowls, medieval and ancient wards along with flags and parasols. On the 10th day, the procession includes drums, flags, parasols, precious bowls, and palanquins to process ordains, worship teams, and people at Bà's mausoleum. Here, the ritual of praying for peace and commemorating the merits of Notre Dame is performed solemnly and respectfully. The offerings are all vegetarian food, fruits, and cakes. The procession of Cộ communion takes place in the evening of the 10th day. The Bà's procession goes around the Được market area and some main roads in Bình Triều commune, Thăng Bình district. On the procession tables, actors of the teams Performing excerpts from Cộ plays such as Thánh Gióng chases away the Ân enemy, Hai Bà Trưng fights against Tô Định. As the procession passed, households on both sides of the road set up altars to pray for a peaceful and prosperous new year. On the 11th, people gathered on both sides of the Kiên Giang River to witness the boat racing between teams. Many games and folk performing arts are organized such as smashing clay pots, blind man's bluff or calling lô tô, card games, etc attracting the attention of many people.

Literally the word Ta’azyeh means “mourning”, and figuratively it refers to a kind of ritual and religious theatre based on religious events, historical and mythical stories, and Iranian folk tales, and there are four basic elements in it: poem, music, song and motion. Ta’azyeh is a type of theatre with many different characters, each of which having its own features, differences, colors, clothes, tools and requirements. It is performed in the form of symbols, conventions, codes and signs which are known by Iranian spectators, and on a stage which is placed in the centre without any lighting and decoration. The place where a Ta’azyeh is performed is called Tekyeh. Apart from some feel-good Ta’azyehs, the main subject of most of them is the conflict between “good” and “evil” and the source of Ta’azyeh scripts has often been the event of Karbala where the third Imam of Shiites, Imam Hussein, and his family were killed after a strong resistance in a battle between seventy two members of the “good” and twenty thousand members of the “evil” army in the Moharram month of the year 60 in the lunar Hegira calendar (a Muslim system of dividing the year of 354 days into 12 months and starting to count the years from the Hegira i.e. the migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in AD 622). It is lunar because it is based on the movement of moon around the earth. This calendar is used in Arab countries. There is also a solar type of Hegira calendar based on the movement of earth around the sun which is officially used in Iran). Therefore, this theatre is performed in Moharram more than other months of the year in Tekyehs, streets, and in the garden of houses. Performing Ta’azyeh has a prominent role in the Iranian vulgar culture, literature and art. The concept and the performance style of Ta’azyeh leads to the maintenance of spiritual values, altruism and friendship. It motivates the religious emotions of the masses, purifies the soul, inspires the audience to ethics and a sense of resistance against oppression, and creates cooperation and sympathy among the performers and the spectators. Taazyieh preserves the old traditions, the national culture and the mythology of Iran, and plays a major role in preserving other types of art as well. Its effect on the audience is so great that many of the proverbs of ordinary people are taken from this type of theatre. Moreover, because of its flexibility, it has been able to adjust itself with different cultures of Iranian tribes; therefore, Ta’azyeh has become the common language of different tribes and has been prominent in creating “unity” among them and helping them communicate and share creativities. Ta’azyeh performers are divided into two main groups: agreeing performers (the Good forces) and disagreeing performers (the Evil forces). Agreeing characters wear green, white and blue costumes as a symbol of goodness and peace and sing Iranian folk songs. Disagreeing characters on the other hand wear red, orange and bright colors as a symbol of cruelty and brutality and speak aggressively in a declamatory style. Music is used in two forms: with songs and with musical instruments. Moeen-ol-boka, the director of Ta’azyeh, who has complete knowledge of music, poetry and all the techniques of Ta’azyeh, is actively present on the stage. Women are less involved in Taazyieh and the roles of women are also played by men drawing a veil over their faces. Each Ta’azyeh script has its own subject and requires its own special tools, costumes, conventions, symbols and music. Observing the rules of performance, the audience also cooperates in some scenes by chorusing the song or the poem. There are even some people who have taken vows of food (taking a vow to give food to people, especially poor people is very common in Iran) who serve the spectators during the play and fulfill their vows. Business people and official fraternities and small public groups called “religious groups”, the number of which reaches three thousand, attempt to perform Ta’azyeh in many areas and provide the tools and costumes, and also decorate the area where Ta’azyeh is going to be performed. In general, all the script writers, actors, spectators, and sponsors of this ritual play are from the people in the street who have different jobs during the year and perform this theatre only to reap otherworldly rewards. Taazyieh has also caused many skills to develop. For instance: calligraphy artists by writing Ta’azyeh scripts, musicians by holding classes of singing and playing instruments, painters by painting the events on large curtains, “curtain narrators” by narrating the stories painted on the curtains with a good voice for people, poets by composing new poems for the dirges in the intervals of Ta’azyeh, industrial workshops by making different tools and instruments used in Ta’azyeh, tailoring and handicraft workshops by making different costumes and masks and accessories for Ta’azyeh, cultural institutes by making films of Ta’azyeh and making them readily accessible to the public, documentarists by making documentaries about Ta’azyeh and preparing them to be shown on TV, each help develop a special skill through Ta’azyeh.

Iran 2010

Farmers’ dance of China’s Korean ethnic group is a performing art danced at seasonal rites and festivals. It is one of the most representative artistic performances of the Korean ethnic group. It is also a symbolic artistic form showing nationality identity. The team leader waves a flag reading “farming, the root of the world”. Players with musical instruments of suona horns, small gongs, bell-shaped gongs, long drums, round drums and hand drums will play the instruments while dancing. They are accompanied by masked or unmasked farcical clowning dancers. Farmers’ dance is usually acted out in villages and fields. Farmers’ dance is closely associated with farming sacrifice ceremony. Before acting out the dance, players will hold a ceremony treading God of Land and sacrificing, to show respect to nature and pray for happiness and luck. Since it is generated in farming activities, farmers’ dance imitates manual labor with shrugging acts and walking field ridges. Farmers’ dance is widely known in the Korean ethnic group. People largely learn basic dancing skills through family influences and neighborhood exchanges. But to master superb dancing skills and music performances, players have to formally acknowledge seniors as teachers. Farmers’ dance art has been inherited under the mouth-heart teaching method. Players of lofty skills are highly respected and enjoy unusual prestige in communities. This plays a crucial role in passing along the art for generations. To date, people of Korean nationality in Wangqing County, Antu County, Helong City, Longjing City, Huichun City, Tumen City and Yanji City under Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, Wangqing County Farmers’ Dance Protection Development Association, China Korean Nationality Folk Protection Development Association, and 52 spreaders like Jin Mingchun are committing themselves to protecting and passing on farmers’ dance. The art has been handed down for six generations. Players spread from farmers to people of all walks in cities, enterprises and schools. Starting from the Korean Peninsula, farmers’ dance was introduced to China by Korean immigrants at the end of the 19th century. It has been innovated and improved in new environments by means of integrating agricultural production in high latitude areas and multi-ethnic group customs. Influenced by Han ethnic culture, “elephant caps” replace previous black cloth with red silk fabrics. Clustered waving belt is processed into two layers from the original single layer. “Elephant caps” are developed from original two varieties to current short, medium and long ones. Long “elephant cap” color belt is continually extended to amount to maximum 28 meters. Tossing “elephant cap” develops from “flat tossing” and “left-to-right tossing” to “vertical tossing” and “shaking dews”. Players also create “crossing circle skill” and “three-color-belt tossing skill”. As regards music, original four musical instruments are expanded to collaboration of wind instruments and stringed instruments. Women are admitted to play musical instruments, compared with previous whole-colored men players. All these contribute to cultivate Korean ethnic farmers’ dance of striking Chinese characteristics. Farmers’ dance is a product of arduous labor and wisdom of the Korean ethnic group over a long period of time. People of the Korean ethnic communities have realized it is their historic duty to carry forward farmers’ dance. So far, farmers’ dance groups of various sizes have spread all over villages of Korean ethnic groups. Most residential quarters and schools in Yanbian prefecture have also set up all sorts of farmers’ dance performance teams. Farmers’ dance teams, traditionally of 30 people each, will act on folk-custom festivals. One site will accommodate a number of teams at the same time. Farmers’ dance music, dance skills and players have been collected in Complete Works of China Folk Dance. Piao Yongguang, a famous scholar, has bought farmers’ dance into History of Korean Dance, furnishing theoretical basis for studying Korean history and ethnic features.

China 2009

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Sanjo refers to the playing of an instrument solo to the accompaniment of janggo (hourglass-shaped drum), moving from slow to fast rhythm in four to six movements. Geomungo Sanjo is Korean instrumental folk music played solo with geomungo (six-stringed zither). Geomungo, which is also called hyeongeum (literally “black zither”), is said to have been made by Wang San-ak during the Goguryeo Period (circa 37 BC - 668 AD). It has six silk strings made of twisted silk thread tied to a wooden body 1.5m long and 25cm wide. A player sitting on the floor plays it while it is placed on his/her lap the way one plays a guitar, with the left hand tuning melody with string support called “gwae” and the right hand striking strings with thin bamboo (“suldae”). Geomungo Sanjo was first played by Baek Nak-jun in 1896 (33rd year of Emperor Gojong’s reign), but some people said that it was music that degraded the gracefulness of geomungo. Thus, it was only years later that a particular type of geomungo playing was accepted by majority of the people. At first, it was composed of monotonous melodies or rhythms; gradually, however, exquisite and complicated rhythms were added. Geomungo Sanjo has five rhythms: jinyangjo (slow), jungmori (moderate), jungjungmori (moderately fast), eonmori (irregular), and jajinmori (fast). Overall, its melodies are made up of ujo (calm and steadfast feeling), which appears in the first and middle parts of each movement, and gyemyeonjo (sad, soft, and plaintive feeling), which appears mostly at the end of each movement. Geomungo Sanjo is a piece of music containing a sense of subdued masculinity, featuring moderate yet grand and unrestricted feeling; its rhythms, slow and fast, express the sense of delight, anger, sorrow, and joy well.