Kurak is a Kyrgyz craft of quilting. Quilting is a process of sewing pieces of fabric together, which at the end create a common pattern. Pieces of fabric, leather and felt of various size and color are used for quilting. Kyrgyz people say that kurak is a renewal of the old, creation of something big from something small. Nowadays, kurak is still very popular craft in the Kyrgyz Republic. Quilted items are always included into a bride’s dowry. Many household items such as blankets, pillow cases, wedding curtains, table cloths, spoon bags, tea bags and other items are quilted. The quilting techniques can be divided into two categories: 1.\tquilting that uses triangular and rectangular pieces of fabric of different color arranged in a way that creates sophisticated patterns; 2.\tquilting done with thin strips of fabric of different color. One of the most wide-spread patterns is black triangle on a white background called tumracha (small amulet) or turna (crane). Another ancient ornament used in quilting is a black square put on one of the inside angles of a white square. This ornament is called boto köz (baby camel’s eye). There are more sophisticated patterns. For example, kattama kurak (layered quilting) is a square with triangles going around it. A red square and white triangles make a pattern called alma kurak (apple quilting). A square with diagonals made out of lozenges and triangles is called scissor quilting. It is used to decorate various pillows and cushions.

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

Parzo is the art of carving on wood, stone and slate. This art is evident throughout the country displayed magnificently on wooden structures of fortresses, palaces, stupas, temples, traditional houses and even on furniture. The following section describes some forms of carving. a. Woodcarving: Wood has been one of the most widely used resources in the country. Some of the masks worn by dancers during the festivals, the altars in the shrine room of any house, containers like bowls and cups, sheaths and handles of knives and swords, xylographic blocks are all carved out of wood. b. Choesham, Decorative Items and Furniture: Every house has a choesham (altar) entirely made of wood. Generally the altars will have carvings like choetsi and other designs such as dragons, flowers, eight lucky signs and mythological animals, on the main structure in accordance with the desires of the owner. On the upper part of the structure called gu-chag the altar will have the designs called pema, norbu, bagam, boh and ngangpa. Cabinets, chogdroms, divans, decorative floral items, religious motifs like dragons, tashi tagye and various legendary animals are carved out of wood. The three sides of chogdrom (traditional portable table) are carved with dragons, flowers or other legendary animals. Dramnyen, the traditional Bhutanese guitar is carved from wood in an intricate dragon design. The fingerboard is usually decorated with colourful traditional symbols. The hollowed sound box is covered with goatskin, and attached with either silk or nylon strings. c. Masks: The Bhutanese make various shapes and sizes of masks from semi-hardwood, usually blue pine to depict the face of gods, animals and mythological figures. These carved wooden masks are used in the sacred and religious dances. Carved wooden masks are also popular as decorations in houses, dzongs, temples and monasteries. d. Xylography: Before the invention of wood carving tradition in Bhutan, all religious texts and official documents were primarily written by hand. With the introduction of woodblock carving and printing technique by Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), religious texts and images have been carved on woodblocks, thereby reproducing numerous copies, by printing on paper and textiles. Each and every temple and monastery in Bhutan hold a copy of the Buddhist cannons (the teachings) and commentaries on the teachings. Many of the texts from the cannon have been carved on wood, and reproduced by printing on paper. Woodblock carving is usually carried out on dried birch wood. To make a wooden block for carving, the woodblock is adequately oiled to make it soft and smooth for carving. The wooden block surface is then planed smooth on which the written text is glued. Once the paper has dried, it is removed from the block leaving the image of the scripts on the woodblock. The mirror image of the texts that need to be printed is left on the surface while those parts not required are removed with gouges or chisels. The texts are then carved with the help of chisels. Images and other patras (intricate designs) are carved only on to one side of the wooden block, whereas religious texts are carved on both sides of the woodblock. The carved woodblock is then coated with ink, and a sheet of paper is placed over the inked blocks. The paper is then rubbed and pressed with a roller to get the text printed. It is then left to dry either in shed or sun. Four different kinds of tools are used for xylography such as zhogthig, yatag, segchung. Round letters are carved using the tip of the mindrug with its sharp crescent shape tip. The tip of the yatag with its more relaxed crescent shape is used to carve the sub-bending yatag script. Similar to the typical Bhutanese knife; the tip of segchung is slightly slanted and carves the rest of the letters of the scripts. Zhogthig, with its wider and large tip is used to carve the lines in the space on the edge of the text that maintain the outer margin. e. Stone Carving: In Bhutan, carving on stones is not as diverse or common as wood carving but it existed in Bhutan. One comes across huge water driven grinding stone mills, hollowed-out stones used for pounding and husking grains, troughs for feeding animals, images of deities, gods and religious figures carved onto large rocks. In Bhutan, stones were also carved to make stone pots and utensils, but today these have become rare because of modern alternatives. f. Slate Carving: Slate carving is another form of art that is being practiced in Bhutan. Slate, called as do nag, is found in abundance in Bhutan, and the artisan is known as donag lopen. Portraits depicting deities and religious figures, inscriptions of mantras and religious scripts are carved onto slates, and adorned onto the exterior walls of temples, monasteries, dzongs and choetens. Apart from carving on wood, stone and slate, the Bhutanese people also carve images of gods and deities on rhino horns and ivory.

The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.

China 2009

“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.

Japan 2009

Lozey (lyrical ballad or witty narratives) is a form of oral expression, appropriately described as one of the ornaments of speech. According to the accounts of elderly citizens in the western districts, the origin of Lozey goes back to the 12th century coinciding with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1148-1251). Often known as Togden Phajo, he was a Tibetan saint whose life and deeds are closely linked with the initial spread of the Drukpa School of teachings in Bhutan in accordance with the prophesy of Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), the founder of the Drukpa Kagyud Lineage. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo was followed by numerous Tibetan scholars who disseminated the teachings of the Buddha. Amongst these realised beings Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) was the destined leader. He instituted the traditions based on the Buddhist values of Mi-choe tsangma chudrug (sixteen virtues for mundane practice) and reformed the old traditions, resulting in establishment of the dual system of government in Bhutan, whereby a temporal ruler coexists with the spiritual authority of the nation. Amongst those indigenous traditions, the songs Parshing mindru gyelmo and Zurchen gyi sheypa are the most popular in Bhutan and are sung especially during the construction of typical Bhutanese house made of rammed earth. These age old songs are solely sung by the people of central and western Bhutan. Parshing Mindru Gyelmo is an honorific name given to the wooden tools used for ramming earth, therefore the tools are respected and revered as an embodiment of Khandro Sonam Peldon, consort of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo. The song has many verses inviting the Parshing Mindru Gyelmo to visit from Tibet and concludes with propitious words of seeing her off back to Tibet during the consecration ceremony for the new house. Similarly, Zurchen gi sheypa (song sung during the installation of four phalluses on the four eaves of the house facing the four directions) is also sung on the day of the consecration ceremony. Two groups are formed for the singing of the songs, normally separate groups for males and females. There are often verbal skirmishes between the male and female groups. A quick-witted and verbally eloquent person may compose appropriate verses of response on the spot based on the nature of the opponents’ song. It is said that the verses of these songs are so long, “if sung till the end, it is believed that it could last for almost a day” as told by a few elderly citizens. There have been incidents in the past when the host family had to place a large Palla (bamboo container) of Ara (distilled home brew) down and request the verbally warring songsters to reconcile. However, these songs are actually a type of ballad or narrative poem to which a melody was added later. The recitation of Lozey is still widely practised in the western part of Bhutan and is regarded as an entertainment and enjoyment by one and old alike. There are variants of given names for Lozey, sometimes it is also written as Losel, but, there is no clue why, since both terms have their separate sets of definitions. According to Lopon Kunzang Thinley, chief researcher at KMT Press, Thimphu, Lozey is an art of speech which requires a unique skill in making rapid response. It requires constant flow like the hair on a horse’s neck, thus, the term ‘lo’ means statement and ‘ze’ refers to the neck hair, and in this context to the brilliance of the bantering back and forth. Lozey is defined as brilliant, intelligent, clever and bright. In both Dzongkha and Tibetan dictionaries, Lozey is defined as any prompt statement constructed in verse well decorated with rhetorical qualities of similes and metaphors according to the situation. Such qualities can only be attributed to intelligent, quick-thinking and witty persons. Lozey is of three kinds: popular lozey (which consist various subject and episodes occur depending on the moods and feelings), lojue lozey (a narrative, usually of epic dimension), and finally lozey labja (lozey associated with advice and guidance). Therefore, most often lozey dwells within these episodes; che toed (praising), nyen lu or zalu (romantic), dralu (odium), medlu (disgrace), trolu (joyful), cholu (sad), tse tshol (debating/challenging), trashi/monlu (supplication) and lozey labja (advice/guidance). Lozey labja is sometimes identical to kortam (innuendo or indirect statement). Lozey has no fixed length, but may be long or short, which entirely depends upon the depth of knowledge of a person, but generally the shortest will vary from three lines to fifteen. Short lozey are called lozey do thum while long ones are called lozey jun-ringm. However, loju lozey are historical accounts and regarded as the longest and some lojue lozey are accounts drawn from oral tradition of how the fortresses were constructed by Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal. Lozey of each district has its own unique characteristics in style, language tone and recitation tune. Sometimes lozey can be used as means of debate or verbal skirmishes between people of different communities or villages, and between male and female. At least two participants are required for a lozey. After one has recited the initial verse, the other responds depending on the gist of the preceding verse. This is called Lozey khaejew (lozey competition) in Dzongkha. While reciting lozey, the rules are very simple. Depending on the type, if the opponent has good knowledge, he/she must respond with the same similes and metaphors that were used by the other. The challenge will continue until a winner or a draw is declared. In both cases, messages will be conveyed through eloquent usage of metaphors and symbols. The responses are never direct. Nevertheless, lozey can be used for both entertainment and wish-making in every aspect of life such as: Parshing gi she pa, Zurchen gi she pa, Dha she (description of Arrow), Gishey (description of Sword), Zo she (description of an Art), Shog da kuelwa (encouraging words while dragging large logs or boulders), Lang key (Praising words to the Oxen while ploughing), Che sho (making wishes while sowing seeds) and Bab she (wish-making while threshing rice) etc. A person who has the knowledge and skills is known as kham khe gyep (King of eloquence or an articulate person) in Dzongkha.

Bhutanese paintings are quintessential of the arts and crafts tradition known as Lhazo. Bhutanese paintings are religious in their orientation and are not created in isolation. The traditional painters are called Lhadrips (one who makes drawings of lha - higher beings). A lhadrip paints and decorates a new house with traditional symbols, paint a chosham (an altar) or a Thangka or Thongdroel with the images of Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and deities with strict adherence to the already accepted norms. Another striking feature of Bhutanese paintings is anonymity. Bhutanese lhadrips would never sign on their works. It is, however, the names of the patrons who are mentioned on the paintings, if mentioned at all. By the same token, it is believed that the traditional painters gain lots of merits by the act of painting these religious arts. These paintings are aimed at providing spiritual lessons to the viewers and therefore assume meditative functions. The painters use naturally pigmented soils that are obtained from different parts of the country. The yellow colours are found in the districts of Gasa and Bumthang while the red colour is found in Wamrong under Trashigang District, black soil comes from Phuentsholing and Trashigang and white soil from Paro. Lhadrip apprentices learn to paint a wide range of images including simple motifs like the eight lucky signs and gradually move on to more complex subjects such as thangkas – large painting scrolls. Thangkas are complex because they depict various Buddhas and Bodhisattvas and the deities and saints with their follower and appropriate backgrounds. They are often painted on canvas and then stitched in silk frames. Traditional paintings are classified into four categories: a. Mural Painting: The mural painting is called debri.The inside walls of the temples are usually filled with mural paintings of different kinds. The surfaces of the inside walls are first smoothened and plastered with fine clay and then left to dry. Sometimes they use another technique by carefully laying a fine sheet of cotton cloth over the plastered walls which is not easily visible. The mural paintings vary from the images of Lord Buddha and Guru Rinpoche and their activities, bhavacakra (sidpa khorlo) or wheel of existence, varied icons of deities (lhatshog), adepts and saints. We also find the paintings of Mandala. These frescos are, therefore, strictly religious and strikingly beautiful. b. Statue Painting: Statues are either moulded from clay or cast out of bronze and metal. Once they are completed, then the lhadrips paint them using appropriate colour. The clay statues are painted all over while the metal statues are painted only on the face, often with gold. c. Scroll Painting: Scroll (thangka) paintings are different from mural paintings as they are painted on canvas for hanging on the walls. Scroll paintings can be kept folded in a safe place and unfolded and displayed on auspicious occasions. In order to make a thangka, the painter fixes a damp piece of canvas onto a wooden frame. Then a mixture of lime and gum is scrubbed on the surface. The surface is then polished and smoothed. The artist then draws a grid to guide him. When the colour is applied these lines disappear. A thangka is stitched with silk and brocade border of appropriate colours and has two frames fixed to the upper and lower borders to suspend and stretch. Thongdroel is a much larger version of a thangka. It is believed that merely seeing the painting can liberate sentient beings from samsara. Thus, it brings merit not only to the believers but for the painters as well. d. Wood Painting: Shing tshon (Shing means wood and tshon means colour painting) is done on the wooden structure. The outside walls of the temples, monasteries and farm houses are normally whitewashed while the wooden structures are painted with varied patterns and symbols often in accordance with different names accorded to different parts. These are bow, phana, pem, choetsi, norbu and bagam. Although the choice of colours may vary from one painter to another, often depending on the choice of the owner or main architect, the style of paintings are generally uniform. Paintings on the walls depict the traditional patterns like flowers, traditional symbols, eight lucky signs or Tashi Tagye (eight lucky signs), and the four lungta signs of Tag Seng Chung Druk (Tiger, Snow Lion, Garuda and Dragon). The painting of the Four Friends is popular on the walls. Some walls are also painted with phalluses. In order to paint on the wooden walls, the method called ‘pounce and spray’ is used. A painter uses an outline of a pattern or the design on a piece of paper to be painted on the walls. The outlines have pricked holes through which a powdered colour contained in a cloth is pressed to produce dotted pattern of the original patterns on the paper. The painter then traces these outlines to paint.

Nuad Thai is regarded as part of the art, science and culture of Thai traditional healthcare. As a non-medicinal remedy and a manual therapy, it involves body manipulation in which the practitioner helps rebalance the patients’ body, energy and structure in order to treat illnesses believed to be caused by the obstruction of energy flow along sen, or lines. This manipulation aims to normalize dhatu or the four body elements, namely, earth, water, wind and fire. Though being described as energy lines, sen is a concept distinct from the meridians of traditional Chinese medicine and nadi of yoga. Traditional Thai massage theory holds that there is a web of sen lines running and crisscrossing throughout the human body, totaling 72,000, ten of which are primary and known as ten primary lines. Diagnosis and treatment in Nuad Thai are based on the principle of sen prathan sib. To open up blocked routes, Nuad Thai therapists perform a combination of pressing, kneading, squeezing, pounding, chopping, bending, stretching, etc. using their hands, elbows, knees, feet, together with self-massaging tools, and herbal hot compress to reduce inflammation and relax affected muscles. Practitioners also treat patients with compassion, giving encouragement to lift physical constitution and morale. Presently, Nuad Thai is classified into two main types: Nuad Thai therapy and Nuad Thai for health promotion.

Thailand 2019

The community transmitting Chakkirako is located at the tip of the peninsular and developed as a town of a fishery harbour as well as a military port since the twelfth century. It is also a harbour from a storm for civil ships of other areas. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six, as generally called Chakkirako. Some of them were popular dances in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, and others were created in the early seventeenth century. Mariners visiting the harbour demonstrated dances of other local communities, and the people of this community transformed them with their ideas into the dance to mainly celebrate a happy new year. The dance of Chakkirako is performed on January 15th every year at the shrine, indoors or before the houses of the community in order to celebrate a happy new year and pray for a bountiful catch of fish, an abundant harvest and prosperity of each family. In Chakkirako sing five to ten women at the age from 40s to 70s while dance ten to twenty girls at the age from 5 to 12 to the songs. Some lyrics of the songs derive from popular ones of the twelfth to the fourteenth century, and others from traditional ones of the early seventeenth century. The girls are well dressed up with colourful kimono, which are worn on the New Year’s Day or other special celebration days. The girls dance face to face in two lines in the four repertoires out of six. They dance in a circle in another repertoire, and dance face to face or in a circle in the remaining one. They dance with one or two folding fans in their hands in the five repertoires. In one of the face-to-face dances they dance with a thin bamboo of twenty-five centimetre length in each hand, making light sounds by clapping these two bamboos. This performing art was named Chakkirako after the sound of this clapping; it sounds to the people chakkirako, and became popular in the mid-twentieth century. No musical instruments are used in Chakkirako except for these bamboos. Chakkirako is regarded as one of local distinctive cultures transmitted for a long time as a celebration of a happy new year or as an entertainment by the local people. Chakkirako derives from dances and songs performed in other local communities of Japan. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976 by the National Government, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. Found in Chakkirako are some essence of songs and dances popular in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries or in the early seventeenth century. It became girls’ dance by the mid-eighteenth century at latest. Chakkirako has been performed as dances to celebrate a happy new year. Because it is colourful and brilliant dances by girls, it has been also performed at the celebration of a new construction of houses or a bountiful catch of fish. Chakkirako is one of entertainments to the people of the community accompanied with celebration. Only in the early twentieth century its aspect of praying to a deity was emphasized while dancing. Girls wore a shrine-style kimono at that time. Back to the basics later, they resumed to wear a colourful kimono to-day. Until the late twentieth century, Chakkirako was performed by the limited people of the small community. Then, people in the surrounding communities have also participated in its transmission and open performance. Today, Chakkirako is certainly performed to the public on January 15th every year. Therefore, the performers concentrate on practices and rehearsals from one week before the day. Elderly women instructed girls, and thus it is transmitted from generations to generations. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of Chakkirako before the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. Chakkirako is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances retain old performing arts which were once popular in local communities. Through this performance can been found the Japanese sentiment on performing arts which was gradually formed up for a long time. The background of the transmission and the performance of Chakkirako indicate the interaction between a local community and performing arts. As mentioned above, Chakkirako has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generation.

Japan 2009

Ruboi – distich – a poetry form that is consisted of four lines. Rubois are created about love, social problems and etc.

Gendang Melayu Sarawak is a combination of music, songs and dance inherited by the Sarawak Malay community. During a performance the women take their places behind a batik curtain to separate them from the men who sit in front of the curtain at their own leisure. The performance starts with dances performed by the group in pairs. They sing and exchange quatrains. Sometimes the dancers cover their faces with batik sarongs to conceal their identities. Commonly used musical instruments are the drum, violin, accordion and gong. Hitting the centre of the ‘gendang’ produces the ‘pak’ sound, and ‘pung’ is achieved along the edge. The clashing or combination of the ‘pak’ and ‘pung’ is what creates the unmistakable rhythm of ‘gendang Melayu’ Sarawak (Sarawak Malay drum) which typically accompanies hours of ‘joget’ numbers sung by the ‘Seh Gendang’. The lyrics of the songs are in the form of traditional or impromptu ‘pantun’ (poems). It is customary for celebrators to dance (‘nopeng’ or ‘bertandak’) to the songs, hence the terms ‘penopeng’ or ‘penandak’. A verse of ‘pantun’ usually has four lines consisting of alternating, roughly rhyming lines. The first and second lines (‘barisan pembayang’) sometimes appear completely disconnected in meaning from the third and fourth (‘barisan maksud’), but there is almost invariably a link of some sort. In addition, the ‘pantun’ normally repeats the second and the fourth couplet to beautify the melodies. This event’s main purpose is to have fun but, indirectly, it provides opportunities for youths to seek for their future life partners. Gendang Melayu Sarawak is performed during wedding feasts, prayer and circumcision ceremonies, as well as folks festivals. Gendang Melayu Sarawak was recognised as a National Heritage in 2012.

Sình ca singing is also known as "Sịnh ca". According to Cao Lan people, "Sịnh, sềnh" means "god, lord". According to folk understanding, "Sình" means "chanting", "ca" means "sing up, intone up". The subject community has a legend about the birth of this type of folk song. This is a male-female response song based on four-syllable four-line poetry and written in Han characters. There are two types of Sình ca singing: Sình ca during the day and Sình ca at night. Sình ca singing during the day is practiced during New Year festivals, funerals, weddings, in the fields, and on streams. Singing at night takes place mainly indoors. The themes of Sình ca are extremely rich and diverse, reflecting the love of homeland, love of men and women, love of family, love of labor, desire for a prosperous, happy, and commanding life, teach us what is good and what is right, etc. The form of Sình ca is a four-line poem (four lines, each line consists of 7 words), transmitted orally from person to person, from previous generation to the next generation. Sình ca singing has melodies such as lullabies, wedding songs, wine invitation songs, calling songs, prelude songs, promise songs, quiz songs, New Year songs, love match songs, etc. Easically, the rhythm and tone of Sình ca singing is gentle, smooth, and deep; The language is simple and close to everyday speech, so listeners can easily understand and absorb it. When singing Sình ca, there are always dances that accompany, supplement, and simulate the content of the song. Some popular dances include shrimp scooping dance, conch dance, harvest-praying dance, farming dance, bird dance, etc.