A story has it that Neypo (A Local Deity) was originated from Tshokar and Tshonag at Singye Dzong. In olden days khando Machig Labdon stole a son (Sasung) from Tibet and brought to Bhutan to make him the guardian deity of Bhutan. When they reached Tshonag at Singye Dzong, Khando told his son not to open his eyes but the son was eager to know why his mother did not allow him to open his eyes; hiding he opened his eyes and he saw a huge Snake (neypo) in front of him and he got shocked and died on the spot. Khando really got angry and she chased the Neypo from Tshonag; Neypo fled toward south and he reached at a place called Tsango, there he told villagers, “I will look after your wellbeing, if you offer me one people in a year. Villagers did not agree and they said “we will give one sheep every year instead of people; Neypo thought it won’t be sufficient to fill his stomach, so he disagreed and he fled towards south and reached Khoma, and the same thing he told to people of Khoma but there people offered one ox in a year, still then he was not satisfied, he ran down and reached Thingling where Neypo said “I will look after your village wellbeing, what will you give me in return?’’ People replied, we will give a hen every year; Neypo compared three offerings of the people and the best offering was made by Khoma people, so he agreed to settle in Khoma. This is how Neypo Invocation ritual came into existence.

Float festivals are communal festive events in which all members of the communities get together to pray for peace in the communities and protection from disasters. At the heart of the festivals is the procession of floats bearing creative decorations that showcase the diversity of local cultures. Community members derive their pride and identity from the float festivals that are the biggest single festive event of the year for them. The oldest float festival dates back to the 9th century, but most of the festivals began after the 17th century and spread to various regions. Local people in these regions then modified the festivals with their own creativity. Floats are huge constructs pulled or shouldered by members of communities. They are inhabited by the gods honored in the festivals or are meant to entertain and appease these gods. The techniques of making and repairing floats have been transmitted for centuries by craftsmen such as carpenters, lacquer artisans and dyers. Furthermore, efforts are made to preserve the natural environment when securing materials for the floats; these sustainable methods have been handed down through many generations. The festivals’ most significant feature is the communities’ devotion to the preparation and celebration of the festivals. Community members including men, women, the young and the elders share their tasks and responsibilities all year around preparing for the float festivals, the most important event of the year for them. Float festivals therefore foster communication and teamwork between community members, and play vital roles in uniting them.

Japan 2016

Ancient Chinese divided the circle of the annual motion of the sun into 24 equal segments; each segment was called a “jie qi” or solar term. Hence the 24 segments are collectively called the Twenty-four Solar Terms. This system of time embodies the traditional knowledge and the social practices through which Chinese organize their perception of the regularity of seasons, of astronomical laws and of other local natural phenomena occurring in the course of the year. It is an indispensable component of the traditional Chinese calendrics and its living applications, serving as a time-frame for agricultural activities and daily life. In International circle of meteorology, this cognitive system has been honored as the Fifth Great Invention of China. Transmitted through generations, the element has profoundly influenced Chinese people’s way of thinking and code of conduct. Upon a specific solar term, people spontaneously arrange farming and daily routine as well as basic necessities of life. Thus this knowledge continuum of time is sustained through a variety of ritual practices and folk activities. Thereby the Twenty-four Solar Terms is an important carrier of Chinese cultural identity.

China 2016

Lozey (lyrical ballad or witty narratives) is a form of oral expression, appropriately described as one of the ornaments of speech. According to the accounts of elderly citizens in the western districts, the origin of Lozey goes back to the 12th century coinciding with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1148-1251). Often known as Togden Phajo, he was a Tibetan saint whose life and deeds are closely linked with the initial spread of the Drukpa School of teachings in Bhutan in accordance with the prophesy of Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), the founder of the Drukpa Kagyud Lineage. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo was followed by numerous Tibetan scholars who disseminated the teachings of the Buddha. Amongst these realised beings Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) was the destined leader. He instituted the traditions based on the Buddhist values of Mi-choe tsangma chudrug (sixteen virtues for mundane practice) and reformed the old traditions, resulting in establishment of the dual system of government in Bhutan, whereby a temporal ruler coexists with the spiritual authority of the nation. Amongst those indigenous traditions, the songs Parshing mindru gyelmo and Zurchen gyi sheypa are the most popular in Bhutan and are sung especially during the construction of typical Bhutanese house made of rammed earth. These age old songs are solely sung by the people of central and western Bhutan. Parshing Mindru Gyelmo is an honorific name given to the wooden tools used for ramming earth, therefore the tools are respected and revered as an embodiment of Khandro Sonam Peldon, consort of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo. The song has many verses inviting the Parshing Mindru Gyelmo to visit from Tibet and concludes with propitious words of seeing her off back to Tibet during the consecration ceremony for the new house. Similarly, Zurchen gi sheypa (song sung during the installation of four phalluses on the four eaves of the house facing the four directions) is also sung on the day of the consecration ceremony. Two groups are formed for the singing of the songs, normally separate groups for males and females. There are often verbal skirmishes between the male and female groups. A quick-witted and verbally eloquent person may compose appropriate verses of response on the spot based on the nature of the opponents’ song. It is said that the verses of these songs are so long, “if sung till the end, it is believed that it could last for almost a day” as told by a few elderly citizens. There have been incidents in the past when the host family had to place a large Palla (bamboo container) of Ara (distilled home brew) down and request the verbally warring songsters to reconcile. However, these songs are actually a type of ballad or narrative poem to which a melody was added later. The recitation of Lozey is still widely practised in the western part of Bhutan and is regarded as an entertainment and enjoyment by one and old alike. There are variants of given names for Lozey, sometimes it is also written as Losel, but, there is no clue why, since both terms have their separate sets of definitions. According to Lopon Kunzang Thinley, chief researcher at KMT Press, Thimphu, Lozey is an art of speech which requires a unique skill in making rapid response. It requires constant flow like the hair on a horse’s neck, thus, the term ‘lo’ means statement and ‘ze’ refers to the neck hair, and in this context to the brilliance of the bantering back and forth. Lozey is defined as brilliant, intelligent, clever and bright. In both Dzongkha and Tibetan dictionaries, Lozey is defined as any prompt statement constructed in verse well decorated with rhetorical qualities of similes and metaphors according to the situation. Such qualities can only be attributed to intelligent, quick-thinking and witty persons. Lozey is of three kinds: popular lozey (which consist various subject and episodes occur depending on the moods and feelings), lojue lozey (a narrative, usually of epic dimension), and finally lozey labja (lozey associated with advice and guidance). Therefore, most often lozey dwells within these episodes; che toed (praising), nyen lu or zalu (romantic), dralu (odium), medlu (disgrace), trolu (joyful), cholu (sad), tse tshol (debating/challenging), trashi/monlu (supplication) and lozey labja (advice/guidance). Lozey labja is sometimes identical to kortam (innuendo or indirect statement). Lozey has no fixed length, but may be long or short, which entirely depends upon the depth of knowledge of a person, but generally the shortest will vary from three lines to fifteen. Short lozey are called lozey do thum while long ones are called lozey jun-ringm. However, loju lozey are historical accounts and regarded as the longest and some lojue lozey are accounts drawn from oral tradition of how the fortresses were constructed by Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal. Lozey of each district has its own unique characteristics in style, language tone and recitation tune. Sometimes lozey can be used as means of debate or verbal skirmishes between people of different communities or villages, and between male and female. At least two participants are required for a lozey. After one has recited the initial verse, the other responds depending on the gist of the preceding verse. This is called Lozey khaejew (lozey competition) in Dzongkha. While reciting lozey, the rules are very simple. Depending on the type, if the opponent has good knowledge, he/she must respond with the same similes and metaphors that were used by the other. The challenge will continue until a winner or a draw is declared. In both cases, messages will be conveyed through eloquent usage of metaphors and symbols. The responses are never direct. Nevertheless, lozey can be used for both entertainment and wish-making in every aspect of life such as: Parshing gi she pa, Zurchen gi she pa, Dha she (description of Arrow), Gishey (description of Sword), Zo she (description of an Art), Shog da kuelwa (encouraging words while dragging large logs or boulders), Lang key (Praising words to the Oxen while ploughing), Che sho (making wishes while sowing seeds) and Bab she (wish-making while threshing rice) etc. A person who has the knowledge and skills is known as kham khe gyep (King of eloquence or an articulate person) in Dzongkha.

‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

The Melanau ethnic is one of the biggest in Sarawak living in the Mukah area. Some are Muslims and some Christians. Those that still practice animism worship the Ipok ‘spirit’, the manifestation of the strength and power of nature. Ipok consists of Ipok Laut (Sea Ipok), Ipok Balau (Jungle Ipok), Ipok Sarauang (Sky Ipok) and Ipok Iyang (Soil Ipok). On the first night the faith healer is alone in his house after being told that someone has fallen ill. The faith healer bargains with the ‘spirit’ including obtaining the spirit’s requests for the Bebayoh ritual. The second day involves the sick and the faith healer at the faith healer’s house or at the sick person’s premises depending on the spirit’s request. On the night itself the faith healer informs the sick person’s family about the spirit’s requests. The preparation begins in the evening of the following day. The Seladai Dance is then performed. The substances for the Bebayoh ritual are young leaves such as the betel nut leaves, jasmine flower, incense, a drum, candle, and glass fragments on a white cloth. Incense is burnt to start the ritual with mantras recited by the faith healer in the language of the faith healer’s spirit and that of the Ipok, at the same time hitting the drum used to detect the sick person’s illness. The candle is lighted inside the drum and then placed on the faith healer’s face. Other musicians play the rest of the musical instruments such as drum, kulintangan and gongs. After detecting the illness, the faith healer swallows the candle. The betel nut leaves are then swayed on the sick person’s body. The Ipok’s spirit enters the sick person’s body to cure him. Then the sick person steps on the glass fragments. The Seladai dance is then performed by seven unmarried couples with the faith healer circling the dancers with the isem pesai (a kind of young leaves). The sick person has to undergo abcentism like he is forbidden to consume stingray and shark, as well as beans and eggs. On final evening (the seventh day) is the end of the treatment. The sick person has to prepare the ‘payment’ to the faith healer that includes gold, a small spear (made of bone – as the spirit’s food), and a live chicken.

Mường Lò is an ancient land of the Thái people in the Northwest. Xòe dancing art creates the unique identity of the Thái people in this land. Six Xoè dances are considered the origin of the 36 Xoè dances passed down today in Mường Lò, including: Khắm khăn mơi hot pot dance (raising the towel to invite wine) shows cultural features in communication and behavior; The aluminum towel dance (toss the towel) is the most jubilant and exciting dance, often used when the harvest is abundant, at weddings, or when moving to a new house; The đổn hôn dance (forward and backward) shows solidarity. Life sometimes encounters difficulties and obstacles, but human will and love are always strong and steadfast; Phá xí dance (chop four): expressing the feelings of each individual, the solidarity of the community, always remembering each other, and moving towards the origin; Xoè chop four also carries the subtle and profound concept of the universe and philosophy of yin and yang and five elements of the ethnic group; The Khắm Khue dance (holding hands): is the most basic and primitive Xoè dance, expressing community cohesion in all circumstances; The rhythm of "ỏm lọm tốp mư" (circle of clapping hands) expresses attachment and sadness at parting. From 6 ancient Xoè dances, folk artists have developed 36 Xoè dances, bearing the shadow of daily activities. The participants dance hand in hand, shoulder to shoulder, each person following the other's footsteps. The movements and formation of spreading are very simple, the steps of the spreading circle are close to many human movements in work and daily activities. Xoè has 3 basic hand movements: Xé quánh (horizontal kick), Khua (turning the road), nhổm (toss), and 3 basic foot movements: Tin Khoang (horizontal kick), Tin xắp (chasing leg), Tin quệt (sagging feet). Musical instruments used in Xoè art include percussion (drums, gongs, mác hính,tăng bằng); wind instruments (panpipes and flutes such as pí pặp, pí ló). Xoè's appeal is its excitement, closeness, and passion like the breath of life. It does not distinguish between young or old, strangers or acquaintances. Everyone held each other's hands cordially. The venue for Xoè dancing is also very flexible.

Viet Nam 2021

The ceremony takes place on the 6th day of the first lunar month every year. The ceremony, in the Yao language, is "Tịu siằng thun boaù lỉu". The Yao Tien people's New Year and harvest festival is usually held on the first day of the Dragon or the first day of the Ox in January, with the purpose of praying for the gods to bless the people in the village for a well-being, prosperity new year, new bumper harvest. The ceremony is run by a master of ceremonies (elected by the villagers, highly virtuous and knowledgeable of worship rituals). The place where the festival is held is the house of the master of ceremonies. The master of ceremonies and his assistants set up the altar, pasted Tam Thanh paintings, placed two bamboo trees on both sides and cut colored paper to decorate the altar. On two bamboo trees, hang fish shapes made of red paper, bundles of sticky rice seeds, corn balls, and sticky rice flour stuck on strings tied around the bamboo trees. The altar displays 1 bottle of wine, 1 boiled rooster, 2 plates of leaf cakes, 2 plates of fruit, 5 cups, and a bowl of incense. After the master of the ceremony reads the prayer inviting the Jade Emperor, the gods, and ancestors to attend the festival is the ritual dance - the bell dance. The bell dancing team consists of 8 people wearing traditional costumes, wearing hats with pictures of saints, shaking bells in harmony with the sounds of gongs and drums, and dancing in a circle. The festival takes place with many games and folk art forms such as tickling, còn tossing, love singing, etc.

The Harvest Festival of the San Chay People in Phu Luong district is held annually before or after the Lunar New Year, praying for good crops, budding trees, full granaries, full chicken coops, a prosperous and peaceful life. On the day of the festival, each family in the area prepares their own offerings at the village communal house, including offerings such as: sticky rice, chicken, pig's feet, pig's head or replaced by cooked pig's tail, intestines; wine, betel and areca nuts...; 1 tray of croissants, bánh lẳng and other cakes typical of the San Chay people. The indispensable items during the ceremony are the accompanying ancient paintings. A complete set of ancient paintings by the shamans includes 28 sheets of paintings, with different images. The festival takes place at the shrine of the local god, in the communal house. When the offerings are ready, the assigned men carry the tray of offerings into the communal house, led by the head of the village. Before performing the ceremony, the Master Tén (shaman) carefully checks the altars, musical instruments, and props. The Master Tén asks for three drum beats and begins the ceremony. The Master Tén's prayer includes remembering the ancestors' merits, reporting their achievements, and thanking the gods for their protection so that the house is full of rice, the yard is full of chickens, and all people are safe and happy... The end of the ceremony is when the unique Tac Xinh dance takes place - the highlight of the Harvest Festival. The Tac Xinh dance has a simple rhythm, easy-to-understand language, and dance movements. The musical instruments are just percussion instruments made mainly from bamboo or wood, but they create bustling clappers. In addition, there are also the combined sounds of small drums, cymbals, gongs, leaf trumpets, bells, and clay drums. The Tac Xinh dance includes the following movements: Visiting the road, establishing the village, making decisions, sharpening knives, clearing the fields, checking the stakes, picking, celebrating the harvest or doves... creating a joyful and exciting atmosphere. At the Harvest Festival, visitors can also enjoy the love songs "Sinh ca", singing Soong Co; throwing con, bamboo dancing, going to the monkey bridge, chess... and participate in folk games taking place throughout the village yard. The Harvest Festival with many characteristics of the San Chay ethnic group in Phu Luong, has a noble humanity, is a spiritual bridge between heaven and earth and people, expressing the desire to conquer nature of the working people. The Harvest Festival of the San Chay People was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea People in Bukcheong, Hamgyeongnam-do (in North Korea) engaged in a folk play, wearing lion masks on the night of the full moon of January 15 on the lunar calendar thinking that a lion, a powerful animal, could drive away evil spirits for them. Lion-masked people from neighboring villages gathered together and competed with one another. Since the team from Toseong-ri, Cheonghae-myeon, Bukcheong-gun did better than the others, the play gradually disappeared in the other villages. The mask play had come to secure its rightful place among Koreans since the Three Kingdoms Period. Those from the North continued to play it, mostly in Seoul. The mask play was started with young people carrying torches on the night of January 14 and was continued until the daybreak of the following morning. On January 16, they would pay visits to the houses of well-to-do people as prearranged. Upon entering the property, they would go around the courtyard in a line and start dancing. Then, a lion-masked person would join them. The “lion” would go into the inner room and the kitchen and make a gesture of eating someone alive. Then, the lion would return to the courtyard and engage in a lively dance. The lion would make a big bow to the deities kept in the house as requested by the owner of the house. When the lion would pretend to fall down exhausted, people would call an eminent monk to energize it by reciting a phrase of Buddhist scripture or have an herbal doctor apply acupuncture. Upon regaining strength, the lion would dance again with all the others. Participants included those acting as yangban (noblemen), a freakishly tall person, a humpback, a petty local government official, a dancing boy, a dancing woman, a monk, an herbal doctor, a scholar, etc. The dancing boy, the dancing woman, the monk, the herbal doctor, and the scholar appeared without wearing a mask. The musical instruments used were tungso (six-holed vertical bamboo flute), buk (drum), jing (large gongs), and janggo (hourglass-shaped drum). A mask dance performed in Bukcheong often uses tungso as a main instrument while samhyeon yukgak (three strings and six wind instruments) is used in Gyeonggi-do and kkwaenggwari (small gong) in Gyeongsang-do. The owners of the house would have their children ride on the back of the lion based on the belief that it would make them live longer. Money or grains donated by the houses visited by the troupe were used as scholarship fund for children from needy families and to subsidize expenses for senior citizen associations and cover the expenses for the lion play. Bukcheong Saja Noreum is focused on merrymaking, featuring movements more powerful than other lion dances.

Gong is one of the instruments in the Pin Peat ensemble. Nowadays, there are only a few people who know how to do it. It is uncommon to see leftovers gong for sale, as each unit requires a considerable amount of capital. So, if a costumer wants to get a gong, he/she has to make a deposit first. The method of making gong described here is the way of the villagers of Trapeang Arak, Ov Lek commune, Ang Snoul district, Kandal province. Nowadays, some modern tools are used to make Gong to save time and labor. For example, in the past people use “Snob Dai, a manual pump” to pump in air to make fire, but now they use an electric fan instead. In addition, for a polishing process, people also use a machine. To produce Gong requires at least three people because during Gong pounding, three people are needed. Gong smith used to buy old metals containing copper and tin from the market. The percentage of copper was 70 to 73 percent, and tin 27 to 30 percent. If the mixture is not mixed properly, the metal will crack. After metals are properly weighed, it will be burned in Kulapheach vessel called "Baw" and then poured into a molded plate. Then the metal is burned again until it soft enough to pound. Gong is made in different sizes and it needed to be arranged in number chronological order. After that, Gong makers re-burn some other metal plates to make Gong’s stand. When that is the case, burn it and pound it on a flat board called “Kda Dos”, so that the middle part of the gong is fatten, called (Dos Gong). Not only that, they immediately burn it again to make it soft enough and make the legs a little smaller than the upper surface (called an umbrella). When all this is done, they burn the fruit and put it in a jar with vinegar. So far, we have seen that the work of each step is to burn the gong several times to get the right shape. But it is still not finished, because you have to take the fruit that comes out in the right shape and polish it. In the past, traditional techniques were required that required the use of a variety of materials, but today it is easier to use a polishing machine. Gong making process is “a real workmanship” that requires special skills and talents. That is why at least on the first day of the lunar month, Vishnu is offered at the head of the pump and the stove. The art of making gongs is an important intangible heritage that can last for a long time as long as those who have the skills can live in this profession properly. Otherwise, it may be lost in the future.

In the life cycle rituals of the Raglai people, the Grave-abandoning Ritual is considered the most important ritual. The Grave-abandoning Ritual is performed from the third to the fifth year. It is usually held around March and April of the solar calendar, for 3-5 days, with the meaning of farewell to the dead forever according to the Raglai people's concept. The scale of the festival is large, attracting the whole village and many other villages to participate. Depending on the economic conditions and local customs, they make it big or small. For large Grave-abandoning Ritual, there is usually a Kagor - a symbol of wealth and prosperity that the living make to give to the dead. An offering in the shape of a boat, beautifully and elaborately carved. The offerings and items used in the Grave-abandoning Ritual are usually prepared by the deceased's family months in advance, including 3 trays of offerings: Tray 1: Chicken, rice, wine, 1 pair of chopsticks; Tray 2: Pig head, boiled pig liver, boiled chicken, rice, wine, bananas...; Tray 3: Chicken, rice, wine, meat... According to custom, in the Grave-abandoning Ritual, there must be 3 shamans, symbolizing the three parts of the body: head, body, feet. The main shaman always stands in the middle of two other people, called Yanuh jalat (the person who shows the way, shows food, drinks... to the ghost). The "magic stick" (gai toah) is made from the day someone dies, and only now does Yanuh jalat use it. In addition to the ritual, the Grave-abandoning Ritual includes beating gongs, stabbing buffaloes, dancing, singing, and drinking rice wine to celebrate the soul of the deceased. This ceremony involves the contributions of everyone in the Raglai clan and community. The Raglai Grave-abandoning Ritual expresses the feelings and responsibilities of the living towards the dead, at the same time expressing gratitude to grandparents, filial piety to parents, and the close-knit relationship between the village and the neighborhood. With its typical value, the Grave-abandoning Ritual of the Raglai people in Phuoc Chien commune, Thuan Bac district, Ninh Thuan province was included in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018 by the Minister of Culture, Sports and Tourism.