Literally the word Ta’azyeh means “mourning”, and figuratively it refers to a kind of ritual and religious theatre based on religious events, historical and mythical stories, and Iranian folk tales, and there are four basic elements in it: poem, music, song and motion. Ta’azyeh is a type of theatre with many different characters, each of which having its own features, differences, colors, clothes, tools and requirements. It is performed in the form of symbols, conventions, codes and signs which are known by Iranian spectators, and on a stage which is placed in the centre without any lighting and decoration. The place where a Ta’azyeh is performed is called Tekyeh. Apart from some feel-good Ta’azyehs, the main subject of most of them is the conflict between “good” and “evil” and the source of Ta’azyeh scripts has often been the event of Karbala where the third Imam of Shiites, Imam Hussein, and his family were killed after a strong resistance in a battle between seventy two members of the “good” and twenty thousand members of the “evil” army in the Moharram month of the year 60 in the lunar Hegira calendar (a Muslim system of dividing the year of 354 days into 12 months and starting to count the years from the Hegira i.e. the migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in AD 622). It is lunar because it is based on the movement of moon around the earth. This calendar is used in Arab countries. There is also a solar type of Hegira calendar based on the movement of earth around the sun which is officially used in Iran). Therefore, this theatre is performed in Moharram more than other months of the year in Tekyehs, streets, and in the garden of houses. Performing Ta’azyeh has a prominent role in the Iranian vulgar culture, literature and art. The concept and the performance style of Ta’azyeh leads to the maintenance of spiritual values, altruism and friendship. It motivates the religious emotions of the masses, purifies the soul, inspires the audience to ethics and a sense of resistance against oppression, and creates cooperation and sympathy among the performers and the spectators. Taazyieh preserves the old traditions, the national culture and the mythology of Iran, and plays a major role in preserving other types of art as well. Its effect on the audience is so great that many of the proverbs of ordinary people are taken from this type of theatre. Moreover, because of its flexibility, it has been able to adjust itself with different cultures of Iranian tribes; therefore, Ta’azyeh has become the common language of different tribes and has been prominent in creating “unity” among them and helping them communicate and share creativities. Ta’azyeh performers are divided into two main groups: agreeing performers (the Good forces) and disagreeing performers (the Evil forces). Agreeing characters wear green, white and blue costumes as a symbol of goodness and peace and sing Iranian folk songs. Disagreeing characters on the other hand wear red, orange and bright colors as a symbol of cruelty and brutality and speak aggressively in a declamatory style. Music is used in two forms: with songs and with musical instruments. Moeen-ol-boka, the director of Ta’azyeh, who has complete knowledge of music, poetry and all the techniques of Ta’azyeh, is actively present on the stage. Women are less involved in Taazyieh and the roles of women are also played by men drawing a veil over their faces. Each Ta’azyeh script has its own subject and requires its own special tools, costumes, conventions, symbols and music. Observing the rules of performance, the audience also cooperates in some scenes by chorusing the song or the poem. There are even some people who have taken vows of food (taking a vow to give food to people, especially poor people is very common in Iran) who serve the spectators during the play and fulfill their vows. Business people and official fraternities and small public groups called “religious groups”, the number of which reaches three thousand, attempt to perform Ta’azyeh in many areas and provide the tools and costumes, and also decorate the area where Ta’azyeh is going to be performed. In general, all the script writers, actors, spectators, and sponsors of this ritual play are from the people in the street who have different jobs during the year and perform this theatre only to reap otherworldly rewards. Taazyieh has also caused many skills to develop. For instance: calligraphy artists by writing Ta’azyeh scripts, musicians by holding classes of singing and playing instruments, painters by painting the events on large curtains, “curtain narrators” by narrating the stories painted on the curtains with a good voice for people, poets by composing new poems for the dirges in the intervals of Ta’azyeh, industrial workshops by making different tools and instruments used in Ta’azyeh, tailoring and handicraft workshops by making different costumes and masks and accessories for Ta’azyeh, cultural institutes by making films of Ta’azyeh and making them readily accessible to the public, documentarists by making documentaries about Ta’azyeh and preparing them to be shown on TV, each help develop a special skill through Ta’azyeh.

Iran 2010

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Traditionally, the Namsadang troupes didn’t settle in one place but traveled around, performing their repertoire mostly for grassroots audiences. The only extant group today was originally based in a neighborhood near Cheongnyongsa, a Buddhist temple in Seoun-myeon, Anseong City, Gyeonggi-do Province. Until the early 20th century, this group traveled from village to village around the central district of Korea and sometimes farther to Manchuria in northeastern China. Through its active itinerant performances the group influenced folk entertainment, masked dance plays and seasonal games in various regions. The wandering entertainers lived on small earnings from their shows, usually staying in Buddhist temples. They sold amulets made by monks and donated part of their income to host temples. A Namsadang troupe needs some 40-50 male performers to present its full repertoire. Under the kkokdusoe, literally the “head actor”, the troupe has a planner (gombaengisoe), stage manager (ddeunsoe), actors (gayeol), apprentices (ppiri), elderly seniors (jeoseungpae), errand runners (jan simbureumkkun) and porters (deungjimkkun). They have a strict hierarchy and apprenticeship to hand down their skills from generation to generation. The six acts of their program may be explained as follows: • Farmers’ Band Music (Pungmul): The farmers’ music played by the current Namsadang troupe originated in Gyeonggi and Chungcheong provinces in central Korea. It consists of a road parade and individual skill demonstrations. • Mask Dance Play (Deotboegi): Thirteen actors appear in four scenes – the ground purifier, the episode of scabies sufferer, the episode of feeble-minded scholar, and the episode of black monk. • Tightrope Walking (Eoreum): An acrobat performs a variety of feats on a tight rope between humorous exchanges with a clown on the ground. The rope is some 9-10 meters long and 2.5 meters high. Kwon Won-tae of the present Namsadang group can perform 17 kinds of feats. • Puppet Play (Deolmi): A total of 51 puppets in 31 kinds appear in this play with two acts and seven scenes. The stage is set up with black curtains, some 1.2 meters above ground. Puppeteers manipulate the puppets from behind the curtain, exchanging dialogue with a narrator seated in front of the stage along with musicians. The play consists of the Act of Old Man Park and the Act of Pyongyang Governor. The Act of Old Man Park has four scenes -- Old Man Park Goes on Sightseeing; Pijori (Park’s niece); Kkokdu Gaksi (Park’s wife); Isimi (python). The Act of Pyongyang Governor has three scenes -- Falconing, Pallbearing and Temple Building. • Acrobatics (Salpan): This act has a variety of breathtaking feats performed on the ground. • Sieve Frame Spinning (Beona): An acrobat displays intricate skills for spinning and tossing a sieve frame using a wooden stick some 40cm long. Sometimes he uses a tobacco pipe, a knife or a small reel, or an impromptu device combining these tools. Among the six acts of Namsadang Nori, the mask dance and puppet plays are particularly worthy of note for their explicit social messages. Characters in these humorous plays represent typical Koreans from different social classes, such as an aristocratic master and a defiant servant, an old couple and a concubine, Buddhist monks indulging in worldly pleasures, and the masses suffering from unending suppression and exploitation. These dramas were not simply designed to offer entertainment but also raise issues on behalf of the grassroots who had no means to voice their opinion. They were intended to imbue hopes for freedom and equality in the hearts of their commoner audience under yokes of class distinction. Through humorous depiction of women’s lives in a male-dominated society they also manifested the ideal of gender equality and human dignity. The masks and puppets symbolically express the reality faced by each character. The pains and sorrows in their hearts are soothed and even fears of death are overcome with cheerful plays. Namsadang plays thus advocated the ideas of freedom and equality through witty and humorous dialogue and symbolic dances and gestures. They spoke for the desires of Korean grassroots to pursue a beautiful and dignified life even though they had to accept the limitations of reality. These themes will be easily understood and earn sympathy from audiences around the world. The plays feature many silent characters, as well as abundant gestures and dances, facilitating easier communication and active audience participation beyond language barriers. The Namsadang troupes typically were performed in round outdoor spaces surrounded by crowds except the entrance and exit paths. The performing arenas, therefore, were open to everyone. The wandering entertainers held rites to pray for peace and fertility, playing loud and pleasant music, in every village they dropped in. They entertained the villagers with exciting programs of music, drama, dances and acrobatics, offering joyful moments to the oppressed commoners and boosting their morale. Namsadang Nori possesses intrinsic value as a content source for contemporary cultural creation. With a history spanning 1,500 years at the least, this integrated folk repertoire represents traditional Korean performing arts in broad genres. Its content will be actively utilized in various cultural genres in the years ahead. In this context, the recent hit movie “The King and the Clown” (2005) deftly proved such potential. The movie featured tightrope walking, farmers’ band, mask dance drama and puppet play in a number of scenes. Its two lead characters are wandering entertainers who happen to drift into the royal court. The movie’s phenomenal success has inspired many artists to employ motifs from the Namsadang repertory.

South Korea 2009

The Telling Tradition of Nasreddin Hodja/Molla Nesreddin/Molla Ependi/Apendi/Afendi Kozhanasyr/Nasriddin Afandi Anecdotes is an intangible cultural heritage element on social practices and festivals related to the tradition of telling anecdotes. It is transmitted orally among generations and is shaped around Nasreddin who became a symbol of humor and wisdom. Although there are slight differences about images, names and anecdotes of Nasreddin in communities, the main features of the element have been shared as a common heritage in the Submitting States. Communities acknowledge that he was a wise person who analyzed the society well and gathered shared intelligence, thought and life experience of people in his own personality. The anecdotes of him are short and intensive narrations transmitted through oral tradition and written sources, attributed to Nasreddin whose reputation spread to the wide geographical area. Some of the anecdotes have become classic, and the epigrams of these anecdotes have turned into idioms and proverbs in time. His anecdotes are intensely practiced in the printed and visual media as well as in the oral tradition and especially in the programs prepared for children. In the anecdotes of Nasreddin, the components of wisdom, repartee, witticism, common sense, absurdity and surprise merged firm and these are distinguishing features of the anecdotes. Nasreddin breaks very often accepted norms and concepts, while finding an extraordinary way out of the situation, where he is always the winner, by the power of word. Anecdotes call for humor, satire, sarcasm, and cynicism, to reveal the negative traits of people. However, the anecdotes is a genre with an instructive, entertaining function, a profound meaning that ends with moral, intellectual, and logical results. His anecdotes include relations of different people and their behaviors in various situations. Through his anecdotes, all kinds of unpleasant behaviors are being criticized and judged through humor. Communities in the Submitting States enrich conversations with his anecdotes and support speeches with his witticism. His anecdotes are narrated easily by everyone to strengthen any thought by giving examples in the dailylife, to convince other people or to explain a situation. In some Submitting States, although there is no specific narrator or teller of these anecdotes, the artists of traditional theatre use the element to enrich their narratives and to entertain people. On the other hand, there are specific tellers of the anecdotes in some Submitting States (Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan). The anecdote tellers select words and perform with great care. In this sense, it mostly depends on knowledge, understanding, thinking, performance culture and skill of the performer to tell anecdotes in meaningful, impressive and funny way. It is important for performer to know various life situations, possess an impressive culture of speech, and make use effectively and skillfully his face, eye, hand, and body movements. In Submitting States, local administrations, municipalities, universities and NGOs which play significant roles in transmission of the element, organize various activities and festivals periodically for commemoration of Nasreddin at local, national and international levels. Public participation in these festivals and activities is considerably high.

Azerbaijan,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022

Nowadays, almost everyone misunderstands that Chol Mlub, which is a traditional rite of passage for Cambodian women has disappeared, and even the purpose of the ceremony is also somewhat confused, because it is understood that women during rite of passage learn to be housewives, mainly to lighten the skin or whiten the skin, learn female law, learn the five precepts, the eight precepts until the ten precepts and sew embroidery. The fields of housing and education mentioned above belong to women, but that does not mean that woman has to learn while she is in the rite of passage. She can know before or after. The main purpose of the "Rite of Passage" is to be ready to be a man's wife in the future (ready to have a husband). Traditionally, every family always wants their sons and daughters to live as adults with honor in society. For sons to be ordinated as monks to show gratitude towards parents while daughters to enter the rite of passage to show gratitude toward mother. These factors motivate families with daughters to have at least one of their siblings to be in rite of passage. If you make the eldest daughter, youngers daughters will be accompanied, so when they reach puberty too, there is no need to organize a rite of passage, which saves the cost of the family. In fact, parents love and want their children to do the same. With this in mind, some locals still implement and practice rite of passage tradition, even in modern society. According to previous research, the villages and districts that still practice this tradition are in Boeung Preav commune, Sre Ambel commune, Dong Peng commune, Sre Ambel district, Koh Kong province, Tumnup commune, Taing Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province, Kien Sangke commune, Sot Nikum district, Siem Reap province. Rite of passage is women’s most important subject that they have to learn and there are many stages of the rite. The first stage is to prepare themselves for "first menstruation" that will last for 2 to 3 days, a ceremony called "Sen Chhol", will be commemorated to inform the ancestors about the rite of passage of their daughter. The second stage is the period of "Staying in the rite of passage”, women will be obligated to be on a proper diet such as eating vegetarian food, no sunlight exposure as well as other tasks that must be done every day for an average of 1 month, 3 months, 6 months or There are also 9 months. The third stage is "Leaving rite of passage" it is the last stage but there are many more tasks to be completed, the ceremony has to be held similar to a wedding ceremony (one night and two days). The symbolism of the work in the first stage is compared to "sperm" that propel in the mother's womb. Second stage is compared to a baby in the womb ready to be born. Stage 3 is compared to a mother is "having a contraction" waiting for the birth of a baby to come out of the womb. The whole ceremony is quite similar to a wedding; it is somehow called a single wedding or sometimes there is an escort who represent the husband. These are the wedding trials which women have to experience before a real one that take place in the future. The rite of passage that prepare women to get ready to be a wife has a tough discipline than men. Women are secluded in a room whereas men are in pagoda, focusing on the study but they are free to chat or meet people on holy days. The pagoda area for the venerable symbolizes the mother's womb and during a monkhood, men seems to be more relaxed than women, there is sunlight all over the large courtyard, but during rainy season, the monks are not allowed to leave the pagoda. In order to study dharma and other subjects for one year (equal to one Vorsa), which is equivalent to one quarter, the monks rushed to study only dharma (literature). But if monks want to continue to study for many years, they can learn more skills such as lime carpenter, carpenter, and sculptor. After leaving monkhood, they will be able to earn money with their skills and start a family. Beside, studying in pagoda monks also follow a strict diet which they can eat only two meals a day which is morning and noon (fish-meat) and in the evening only tea, milk only. For women, when they are in the rite of passage, they do not leave the room or outside the house, generally speaking, no sun exposure except at night when they shower or use toilet, because a dark sky represents mother’s womb, and the daughter in the rite of passage represents the baby in the mother's womb. That's why they try to keep the baby in the womb out of the sun until it is born. If the mother expose with sun, baby will pre-maturely born, it will definitely be worse for the baby. Strictly speaking, two-course meal like the monks, but a vegetarian dish without meat, such as porridge or rice with salt, soy, cucumber, sesame, ripe coconut, ripe banana, ripe mango, watermelon. Some foods are avoided such as bacon fat or fish sauce. At this point, it is not considered that rite of passage is when women learn to be housewife, because they don’t eat or anything. In fact, a woman knows how to cook before she enters the rite, and so does sewing, embroidering, and sweeping the house, these skills are important for women when they have husbands. The study of the five precepts, the three precepts, or the ten precepts deeply, is not seen at all, that is, only the chanting of the Dharma of worshiping God (Vantea Preah) every morning and evening. Some of the work women do while in the rite of passage are just to get rid of boredom. Others say that they Chol Mlub to exfoliate their skin complexion, because they have not been applied makeup or any powder, only wearing a long sleeves shirt to cover her body and staying in a mosquito net. Wearing a multi-layered shirt is not just for the sake of a bright skin, it represents a baby in a mother's womb covered by a few layers of belly. If women have only one layer of belly, it will affect the baby when the mother eats spicy or hot. Generally speaking, staying in the rite of passage is a way of guiding women during their puberty to get ready to be a wife. They do not have to get married immediately, at least wait two to three years The symbol of leaving the rite of passage is like a mother during a contraction of childbirth delivery, because on the first day of the ritual, the woman is not yet exposed to the sun. Even though she leaves the room in the house but she needs to use an umbrella and still be in mosquito net, waiting for the next task, with the Khmer grandmother as the guard next to the mosquito net. In some villages in Sre Ambel district, Khmer grandmothers who know how to give birth midwives called (Daun Khner) are obliged to monitor the baby's movement by taking care of the mother's womb, such as touching or waiting for the baby to be born. Next important task, an old single man called (Jas Komlos) will dance with a movement of digging (Daun Khner) with a traditional music, which metaphorically means to ease the process of child delivery to be quick. Then, Daun Khner will hold the woman’s hand out of the room to a ceremony hall. This represents a baby who was just born and it will be covered by a piece of while cloth and the body of a baby is compared to the mother’s placenta. At that time, it was old, hot, dancing, digging, digging, Daun Nhe (Daun Khmer) accompanied by the traditional song titled, "Kors Daun Nher". The process of carrying a child by the Khmer grandmother from the room to the ceremony hall on the ground is the process of being born from the surface or out of the abdomen one step at a time with a piece of white cloth as a way or covering the body of the child is like the placenta of Mother. Waiting until a next sunrise, it is assumed that the baby is successfully born. There are many following rituals such as cutting hair, ear piecing, tver tmenh (), which serve as a confirmation the woman is ready for a wifehood. The rite of passage process is almost the same as a wedding, which includes: Krong Peali ritual (Sen Krong Pali), Sen Chong Dai, Bok Lak (game to find Lak). All work is done continuously from the evening until Acha tied the hand of the Cho Mlub child with his sister and cousin to participate in the ceremony (Photo: San Phall, 2016) 1AM, Kors Duan Nher ritual will be done at midnight. On the morning of the second, the child will be accompanied to the ceremony hall to worship the sun, get haircut, do teeth, get ears pierced, reav ang kor reab, porpil rotate and tie hands as a finale. This Chol Mlub tradition plays an important role in educating people in society by showing the process of a woman in her puberty who has to go through the rite of passage in order to be qualified for wifehood and to become mothers. Women is considered as a land for sowing seeds and the gender roles they inherited include housekeeping, child care, in general, to manage the family economy. For men, they pick up profession or skill to earn money for the female to manage. Men and women are always in pairs, one of which cannot be missed, that is how society created.

Farmers’ dance of China’s Korean ethnic group is a performing art danced at seasonal rites and festivals. It is one of the most representative artistic performances of the Korean ethnic group. It is also a symbolic artistic form showing nationality identity. The team leader waves a flag reading “farming, the root of the world”. Players with musical instruments of suona horns, small gongs, bell-shaped gongs, long drums, round drums and hand drums will play the instruments while dancing. They are accompanied by masked or unmasked farcical clowning dancers. Farmers’ dance is usually acted out in villages and fields. Farmers’ dance is closely associated with farming sacrifice ceremony. Before acting out the dance, players will hold a ceremony treading God of Land and sacrificing, to show respect to nature and pray for happiness and luck. Since it is generated in farming activities, farmers’ dance imitates manual labor with shrugging acts and walking field ridges. Farmers’ dance is widely known in the Korean ethnic group. People largely learn basic dancing skills through family influences and neighborhood exchanges. But to master superb dancing skills and music performances, players have to formally acknowledge seniors as teachers. Farmers’ dance art has been inherited under the mouth-heart teaching method. Players of lofty skills are highly respected and enjoy unusual prestige in communities. This plays a crucial role in passing along the art for generations. To date, people of Korean nationality in Wangqing County, Antu County, Helong City, Longjing City, Huichun City, Tumen City and Yanji City under Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, Wangqing County Farmers’ Dance Protection Development Association, China Korean Nationality Folk Protection Development Association, and 52 spreaders like Jin Mingchun are committing themselves to protecting and passing on farmers’ dance. The art has been handed down for six generations. Players spread from farmers to people of all walks in cities, enterprises and schools. Starting from the Korean Peninsula, farmers’ dance was introduced to China by Korean immigrants at the end of the 19th century. It has been innovated and improved in new environments by means of integrating agricultural production in high latitude areas and multi-ethnic group customs. Influenced by Han ethnic culture, “elephant caps” replace previous black cloth with red silk fabrics. Clustered waving belt is processed into two layers from the original single layer. “Elephant caps” are developed from original two varieties to current short, medium and long ones. Long “elephant cap” color belt is continually extended to amount to maximum 28 meters. Tossing “elephant cap” develops from “flat tossing” and “left-to-right tossing” to “vertical tossing” and “shaking dews”. Players also create “crossing circle skill” and “three-color-belt tossing skill”. As regards music, original four musical instruments are expanded to collaboration of wind instruments and stringed instruments. Women are admitted to play musical instruments, compared with previous whole-colored men players. All these contribute to cultivate Korean ethnic farmers’ dance of striking Chinese characteristics. Farmers’ dance is a product of arduous labor and wisdom of the Korean ethnic group over a long period of time. People of the Korean ethnic communities have realized it is their historic duty to carry forward farmers’ dance. So far, farmers’ dance groups of various sizes have spread all over villages of Korean ethnic groups. Most residential quarters and schools in Yanbian prefecture have also set up all sorts of farmers’ dance performance teams. Farmers’ dance teams, traditionally of 30 people each, will act on folk-custom festivals. One site will accommodate a number of teams at the same time. Farmers’ dance music, dance skills and players have been collected in Complete Works of China Folk Dance. Piao Yongguang, a famous scholar, has bought farmers’ dance into History of Korean Dance, furnishing theoretical basis for studying Korean history and ethnic features.

China 2009

Inscribed in 2014 (9.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nongak is a fusion performing art genre that combines a percussion ensemble (with occasional use of wind instruments), parading, dancing, drama, and acrobatic feats. It has been practiced for various purposes, such as appeasing gods, chasing evil spirits and seeking blessings, praying for a rich harvest in spring, celebrating the harvest at autumn festivals, fund-raising for community projects, and professional entertainment. Any joyful community event was never complete without uproarious music and dance performed by the local band clad in colorful costumes. The resultant ecstatic excitement (sinmyeong) is often defined as a preeminent emotional characteristic of Korean people. The music frequently uses uneven beats of complex structures like simple three-time, compound time, and simple and compound time. Small hand-held gongs and hourglass drums, with their metal and leather sounds, play the main beats, while large gongs and barrel drums create simple rhythmic accents. The small hand-held drum players focus more on dancing than playing music. Dancing includes individual skill demonstrations, choreographic formations, and streamer dances. Actors wearing masks and peculiar outfits perform funny skits. Acrobatics include dish spinning and miming antics by child dancers carried on the shoulders of adult performers. Nongak was most often performed and enjoyed by grassroots people, but there were also professional groups putting on entertainment shows. In recent years, professional repertoires have evolved into the percussion quartet “Samul Nori” and the non-verbal theatrical show “Nanta,” dramatically emphasizing the music element and thereby appealing to broader audiences at home and from abroad.

South Korea 2014

The firing of Longquan celadon is a traditional skill based on raw materials that exist in Longquan City (located in Zhejiang Province, China): burnt petuntse, violet-golden clay, limestone, quartz and others. For many centuries, at first these raw materials were compounded in proportion, and then moulded by hand, finally high fired at temperatures around 1310ºC. The process results in the celadon that Longquan became known for. The methods were handed down by families.

China 2009

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Weaving of Mosi, Fine Ramie, in the Hansan Region is a skill of weaving ramie cloth in a traditional manner using natural materials from ramie plants on a traditional loom. It is not simply the skill of weaving ramie, but also a form of recreation that allows the weavers to take pleasure in participating in the entire production process. According to historical records, Mosi was well recognized in countries neighbouring ancient Korea: it was exported first in the Three Kingdoms period (4th-7th century) and regarded as a major export item in the Goryeo Dynasty (8th-14th centuries) and Joseon Dynasty (14th-20th centuries). It has been esteemed as a popular summer cloth to this day. Although ramie weaving has spread to other regions, including the Chungcheong and Jeolla Provinces, ramie cloth’s true heartland is Hansan. This area boasts fertile land and sea winds that allow ramie plants to grow healthier than in any other region, resulting in quality ramie cloth. Weaving of Hansan ramie was transmitted in the form of women-led family operations and was characterized by the tradition of women passing down their proprietary skills to their daughters or daughters-in-law. However, it was also a community culture in that neighbours gathered and worked together in a designated section of the town. Since weaving of Hansan ramie could be used as a substitute for money during the Joseon Dynasty at a time when women were excluded from many social and economic activities, most women wove ramie cloth as a major source of income. However, as industrialization rapidly swept through Korean society and different cheaper and more easily-handled cloth were introduced, Mosi fell from favour and the number of women weaving it began to decline. In response to this trend, the Korean government determined to safeguard the skills of weaving of Hansan ramie, and in 1967 designated it as important intangible cultural heritage for its vital transmission. Currently, the transmission of ramie weaving is conducted through apprenticeship by the master and her students and through mother-to-daughter transmission by ordinary households practicing this element. Weaving ramie cloth includes a number of processes, including harvesting, boiling and bleaching ramie plants, spinning yarn out of ramie fibre, and weaving it. Currently, around 500 people in Seocheon-gun, South Chungcheong Province are engaged in the diverse activities of weaving ramie. Of the entire production volume of ramie cloth in South Chungcheong Province, only that produced by 157 people from the Hansan region is recognized as authentic Hansan ramie. Designated Master Bang Yeon-ok is the main practitioner and takes responsibility for promoting the tradition of Hansan ramie weaving among young people and handing down her techniques to future generations. Since the later times of Joseon Dynasty (18th century) when Hansan ramie was first commercialized, the primary purpose of Hansan ramie was to generate income. To earn increased income, a family group usually divided their labour to produce ramie, or a local community collaborated. This led to Mosi-doorae (collaborative effort to produce Mosi), which has further developed into the present specialized activities of Hansan ramie weaving. Mosi-doorae was mainly organized around a unit of relatives or neighbours, thus allowing families and neighbours to unite and stimulate a harmonious atmosphere within the group. As Hansan ramie is relatively more highly valued than other ramie products from other regions, the ramie producers of the Hansan region have kept to the traditional methods of Hansan ramie weaving despite the rigors of the process. An ramie weaving is still a source of income of housewives. They sell their products during the Hansan Ramie Fabric Cultural Festival or online. Ramie has been used to produce a variety of clothing for common people, including dress suits, military uniforms, and mourning garments. The whiteness of the bleached ramie clothing, as well as its refined quality and neatness, offers an elegant style of dress and was thus welcomed as high-end clothing. In the meantime, white attire is a cultural and historical icon symbolizing Korea and an important measure to express the Korean character. From ancient times to date, the weaving of ramie has been executed by hand in the home and the skills have been transmitted within families. Most Mosi producers in the Hansan region are said to have acquired their skills from their mothers or mothers-in-law. Among them, those over the age of 60 are found to have begun learning the weaving techniques at the age of 14 or 15. Master Bang Yeon-ok similarly absorbed their weaving skills in this way. The reason was that through weaving they could not only help other female family members with their efforts, but also play a role in supporting their families. This trend was strengthened by the social preference of the 1960s that young unmarried women skilled at weaving the highly valued ramie were welcomed as ideal prospective brides due to their ability to earn income. Therefore, many women willingly learned the techniques prior to marriage. Starting from the 1970s, demand for ramie began to decline and the number of Hansan ramie producers dropped apace. For a more vital transmission, the government designated Hansan ramie weaving as important intangible cultural heritage. Mechanization and industrialization can affect the process of weaving ramie, but the practitioners of Hansan ramie weaving have insisted on the traditional techniques. They are striving to encourage ramie weaving apprentices to make more use of traditional looms while also taking advantage of upgraded techniques. Modernized looms can certainly contribute to producing better ramie cloth; still, the acquisition of traditional production methods also helps spread appreciation of ancient wisdom and instills a uniquely Korean spirit and culture into weaving ramie.

South Korea 2011

Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

The materials and techniques used to produce high-quality, lightweight ramie textiles known as Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu, has been developed under its distinctive climatic conditions and transmitted from generations to generations in the long history of the community. After World War II, under the influence of a rapidly-changing society, it fell into a decline. With a strong determination to protect their own cultural heritage, however, the people concerned with textiles and weavings joined forces and reconstructed its base for the conservation and transmission of this intangible cultural heritage themselves. It has been rooted in the community as its cultural identity. In 1955 “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” was designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property, and “Association for the conservation of techniques for Echigo-jofu, Ojiya-chijimi-fu,” founded by the community, was recognized as the Holding Group of this technique. This Association strongly recognizes “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” as its own cultural heritage and makes every effort to preserve and transmit them. Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu has a long history. Ramie weaving began in ancient times around Uonuma region in Niigata Prefecture, and we have a remains presumably dated back to the eighth century. In the seventeenth century it was dedicated to Tokugawa Shogunate. As suitable to the hot and humid summer of Japan, clothes made of ramie weaving have been a favourite of many people in various classes for centuries. Thus, those textiles have been constantly produced as a cultural pride for the people of the community, and its producing technique has been transmitted from generations to generations until today. The production area is such a heavy snowfall area as closed by snow during a half of a year, and hence its production technique makes a good use of its distinctive nature and climate. The yukizarashi method is well-known as a unique part of the production process, in which the woven textile is spread on the snow, and bleached by the ozone released as the snow evaporates. The traditional ikat (kasuri) designs are made from threads that were tied before dyeing. They feature various colours in geometric patterns or abstract patterns of plants, or combinations of these. These traditional patterns are still being used by people today, who bring a contemporary sense to the traditional designs. Thus, the community has inherited the traditional producing technique of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” and constantly recreated this intangible cultural heritage by production with the specific technique. Sophisticated manufacturing of those textiles, process with traditional tools and distinctive utilization of snow are required for the designation as important intangible cultural heritage in this case. It is needless to say that the people of this Association shall fully understand the meaning of their own intangible cultural heritage, cooperate each other and respect mutual skills. Because they are determined to transmit to the next generation what they have inherited from the ancestors, they make every effort to widely disseminate it and hold a workshop for it. The community has constantly recreated a sense of identity and continuity through the conservation and transmission of this important intangible cultural property. The making of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” is a complex, detailed process. The process must meet specific conditions in order to qualify for Important Intangible Cultural Property status. These conditions have been carried on and transmitted by the Association and the people involved up to the present. ▶Conditions of Designation -TEUMI (Hand-twisted ramie thread) Ramie fibers are split by fingernail and shredded into very fine threads. Further manipulated and moistened by the hands and mouths of threadmakers, the ends of each strand are twisted together to form a continuous thread. An additional tight twisting of the weft threads gives Ojiya-chijimi its characteristic crepe texture. This work takes place during cold winter months when the humidity from snow keeps the ramie threads pliable. -TEKUBIRI (Hand-tied ikat (kasuri) threads) Skeins of ramie thread are bound with cotton thread in a predetermined pattern before being immersed in a dye vat. This method of hand-tying is known as tekubiri. The bound areas resist the dye. When untied, placed on a loom, and woven into a fabric, the kasuri pattern emerges. -IZARIBATA (Use of a body-tension loom) Utilizing a simple body-tension loom (izaribata), the weaver sits on a wooden plank raised slightly off the floor with her legs outstretched underneath the loom. Her foot is slipped into a sling that manipulates a bent, wood lever attached to string heddles. A cloth beam (chimaki) is then placed against the weaver’s abdomen and secured by a strap that is brought around the small of the back. In this position the loom becomes an integrated extension of the weaver’s body. She can achieve subtle adjustments to warp tension by simply shifting her weight. An extremely high degree of skill is required to weave ramie thread as fine as human hair without the thread breaking. -YUMOMI, ASHIBUMI (The SHIBOTORI finishing method) The woven cloth is soaked in hot water and rubbed to remove any starch (yumomi). Afterwards, the cloth is soaked again in hot water and washed by trampling or massaging it with one’s feet (ashibumi). This process softens out the creases in jofu cloth and gives chijimi cloth its beautiful crepe-like texture. -YUKIZARASHI (Snow bleached) Wet lengths of ramie cloth are placed on top of snow-covered fields. For ten to twenty days the textiles are exposed to the bleaching properties of sunlight, which is intensified by the white snow. The cloth is further lightened by the penetration of ozone ions from the melting snow.

Japan 2009

In both Submitting States Turkmen-style needlework is an object of decorative applied art, combining the skills of a certain creative work on different types of fabric. In Turkmenistan, it is the national costumes of women, men, young people, boys, girls, elderly women and men. In Iran, it is mostly the costumes of the Iranian Turkmen enthic group living in the northen parts of Iran but nowadays, it is widely welcomed and used by all Iranians. In both Submitting States, Turkmen-Style needlework begins with the preparation of natural thin silk threads which intertwined together in three (3) layers and twisted into one thread, then straightened with a large needle and the excess is removed. After twisting the three layers separately, the thread itself acquires a kind of shine. The left and right sides are used to create the loops, the dimensions can vary as desired. Piercing the fabric with a thin needle with the right hand, a loop is created, which must be preserved until the next loop is created, held by the thumb of the left hand. Depending on the dominant hand of the Needlewomen, the looping process will happen in the reverse direction. This is the most common needlework style. There are also other Needlework styles that vary depending on the local creativity. Totally, there are seven skills called “Ilme”, “Basma”, “Pugtama”, “Jakhek”, “chekmek”, “El gayma”, “Chigme”. The patterns used, also reveal the territorial identity of the Needlewomen mostly in rural areas. The patterns also symbolise love, freindship, nature, strengnth, etc. Almost all of the needleworkers in both countries are women but in the related jobs such as making the needlework tools, men are also involved. There is no age limits for practicing the element. Traditionally, young girls do it when they are small children learning from their mothers and grandmothers through informal method as a necessary life skill. Its social functions and cultural meaning are wedding dress for bride and groom, used in funerals, cultural events e.g. Nowrouz/Nowruz Celebration, decorative parts of ordinary costumes including: scarfs, manteau, pants, shawls; accessories like headbands, wristbands, necklace, cosmetics bags, women’s wallets/bags/backpacks. Nowadays, this Human-Rights-friendly element is also utilised for contemporary home decorations e.g. table cloth, cushion/pillow sheets, bed covers, wall hangings, & etc.

Iran,Turkmenistan 2022

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Hwagak is a transparent plate made of finely ground ox horn. Hwagakjang refers to the handicraft skill of making such a plate or to an artisan with the skill. The materials are scarce and the work requires a great deal of time and a meticulous procedure. This artwork was chiefly used by upper class people. During the Goryeo Period (877 – 1394), cases for keeping Buddhist scriptures and rosaries were made from the skin of the hawksbill sea turtle (Eretmochelys imbricata). Artisans used a technique of applying colors to the back of an object which permeated to the front, along with mother-of-pearl. This practice continued until the mid-Joseon Period (1392 – 1910). In the ensuing period, handicrafts adorned purely with hwagak developed. Objects made with hwagak skill include wardrobes, chests of drawers, side tables, dressing tables, pencil cases, powder cases, sewing rulers, desks, workbaskets, hand-held fans, and writing brush handles. Hwagak handicraft features elaborate ornamentation in colors and patterns.