This graceful dance of worship is the most popular in Terengganu. Ulek Mayang was performed as a healing ritual for fishermen who fall ill at sea or while carrying out their daily activities. Some illnesses were believed to be caused by sea spirits and could only be cured by calling upon the spirits of the sea and sending them back to the dark watery depths. In a ritual performance, some of the performers will fall into deep trance. The performance tells the tale of a sea princess who falls in love with a fisherman while he is at sea. The princess steals the fisherman’s soul, causing him to fall into a trance-like state of semi-consciousness. Once they are back on land, the fisherman’s friends ask a bomoh (traditional healer) to restore his semangat (spirit) and bring him back to health. The bomoh conducts a healing ritual for the fisherman using a mayang (coconut palm blossom), kemenyan (benzoin resin) and offerings of coloured rice. He summons the spirit of the sea-princess, who calls upon her five sisters to help seize the object of her desire. A tug-of-war ensues between the bomoh and the six princesses for the soul of the fishermen. Finally, the seventh and eldest princess arrives and sends her sisters back to sea with these words: “I know your origins, let those from the sea return to the sea, let those from the land return to the land.” She thus releases the soul of the fisherman and restores his health. Ulek Mayang is traditionally performed by seven female dancers, each dressed in an elaborate costume with a regal headdress and flowing yellow sash. Three to four male dancers perform the role of the fishermen and bomoh. The graceful gestures of the female dancers are reminiscent of the undulating movements of the sea. The dance is accompanied by a small music ensemble comprising a rebana (frame drum), accordion, and seruling (flute) or serunai (double-reed oboe). The contemporary version of the Ulek Mayang is performed in almost every formal state function and event.

Elechek is a traditional Kyrgyz female headwear. It consists of topucha (a hair cap) and kezdeme - a long piece of white fabric up to 40 meters long, which is wrapped in many layers in a turban-like fashion. After being wrapped, the elechek is ordained with embroidery, ribbons or jewelry. Women wear the elechek for the first time during the wedding ceremony. Wrapping of elechek is an integral part of the traditional marriage ceremony. A ritual of wrapping the bride’s first elechek is conducted at the bride’s family house before she leaves with the groom. The wrapping of elechek considered as a rite of passage as it marks a significant transition in a woman’s life. The process of wrapping is accompanied with the elders uttering blessing chants. These rhyming chants reflect the spiritual symbolism: there are references to the Creator, Mother Earth, Umai Ene; traditional epithets inspired by local environments: wishing a new coupe to have a long life like the juniper branches or pure intentions as flowing water, and worldviews and values of local communities. Exclusively women conduct the ritual. A married woman may wear the elechek at all significant occasions of her life, changing its styles accordingly. Many communities across Kyrgyzstan have developed own styles of wrapping the elechek and related rituals. The diversity of the element as well as accompanying rituals demonstrate that this living heritage has been evolving for many generations.

Kyrgyz people worshipped natural objects from antiquity, deeming that it is in the nature the visible and invisible worlds may coexist harmoniously. One of such practices is the Obo ceremony. It is a worshipping practice that was spread in a pre-Islamic period, when people equally worshipped the Sun and the Earth. It was understood that the Sun represents the fatherly beginning, and the Earth represents the motherly one. Sacred sites are visited by people, who need to be treated from illnesses, both physical, and spiritual; or those who want to make a prayer in memory of the dead relatives. Other widely spread practices are zikir chaluu and shamanic ritual korum zikir. In addition, other varieties of spiritual practices include talma bii and oiun. Roles of bakhshi (in Turkic tradition) and dubana (Muslim dervishes) are merged in many ways in Kyrgyz practice. Zikir chaluu represents emotional prayer, which is made because of pragmatic reasons, and as a rule, people ask for prosperity, welfare, healing, fertility or peace. Fire purification ceremony sham is performed often along with zikir chaluu during festive rituals as the Kyrgyz believe that the spiritual and visible worlds are unified in the fire.

This ancient theatre form created by Malaysia’s Malay communities combines acting, vocal and instrumental music, gestures and elaborate costumes. Specific to the villages of Kelantan in northwest Malaysia, where the tradition originated, Mak Yong is performed mainly as entertainment or for ritual purposes related to healing practices. Experts believe that Mak Yong appeared well before the Islamization of the country. It was performed as a royal theatre under the direct patronage of the Kelantan Sultanate until the 1920s. Hence, the tradition was perpetuated in a rural context without forsaking the numerous refinements acquired at court, such as sophisticated costume design. A typical Mak Yong performance opens with an offering followed by dances, acting and music as well as improvised monologues and dialogues. A single story can be presented over several consecutive nights in a series of three-hour performances. In the traditional village setting, the performances are held on a temporary open stage built of wood and palm leaves. The audience sits on three sides of the stage, the fourth side being reserved for the orchestra consisting of a three-stringed spiked fiddle (rebab), a pair of doubleheaded barrel drums (gendang) and hanging knobbed gongs (tetawak). Most roles are performed by women, and the stories are based on ancient Malay folk tales peopled with royal characters, divinities and clowns. Mak Yong is also associated with rituals in which shamans attempt to heal through song, trance-dance and spirit possession.

Malaysia 2008

Bua Malus (Piper betel and Areca catechu) is literally translated as betel leaves and areca betel nut; it is used in every ritual across the whole country. Bua Malus (Bitternut betel-pepper or leaf) is metaphorically representing the idea of peace, prosperity, good health and protection from bad luck and other misfortune or misery in life. Commonly people used Bua-Malus as; offerings for welcoming guests, “buka urat” (ritual ceremony for healing people), “kuta” (mark of blessing on someone’s forehead), “kakaluk/biru” (a spiritual item) and etc. Generally, Bua-Malus (Bitternut betel-pepper or leaf) is used as a welcoming element to welcome guests, besides, it’s an important element in all traditional rituals and ceremonies.

Nora is a lively and acrobatic form of dance drama and improvisational singing in local Southern Thai dialect. It is accompanied by strongly rhythmic music and elaborate costumes which embody a distinctive life force in Southern Thailand. Nora derives from community rituals in Southern Thailand that assemble families who perform Nora to honor their former Nora masters and expel harmful spirits. As central part vital community ritual performance, Nora helps the community to re-connect to its ancestors, to keep strong and to re-constitute itself by initiating new Nora dancers, healing illnesses, reconciling communal disorders and blessing all participants. Performances normally include a long oral invocation, followed by a performance centering on a lead character who dances with vigorous and elaborate movements of legs, arms and fingers. The lead Nora performer sings and dances scenes that are usually based on Buddhist Jataka tales – stories about the former lives of Lord Buddha – or those tied to legendary heroes, Phra Suthon and Manohra. The music ensemble plays highly rhythmic and fast-paced southern music, with the Thai southern oboe providing the melody and strong rhythms produced by drums, gongs, cymbals and wooden clappers. The main Nora performers – whether male or female – wear colorful and decorative costumes, with crowns or ‘Serd’ ornamented headdress, beads, bird-like wings tied around the waist, ornate scarves, and ‘Hang Hong’ or swan tails on the back providing the performers a bird-like appearance. Performers also wear long metallic fingernails that curl out from the fingers.

Thailand 2021

The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

The Tay people have many rituals and prayers to ask for blessings, ask for good things, and banish evil and bad things. The vows made in the rituals called then roads are performed by the Thens (in the vowing rituals, there is also a system of words called Mo, Tao, and Phat roads, which are performed by magicians and teachers. Tao, Buddha - different names for worshipers). Therefore, the then ritual is a system of rhythmic lyrics, accompanied by rituals in religious activities of the Tay ethnic group. Those who can practice then rituals must be people with special abilities. According to the Tay people's concept and in reality, Then is someone sent down by heaven or selected by ancestors with then karma to help earthly people perform then rituals, meeting the spiritual needs of the community, if it is a woman, it is called Me Then (or Me Slin), and if it is a man - very rarely, it is called Po Then (or Po Slin). Then in Tuyen Quang, there are 2 types: the fan key and the calculated key. Currently, there are very few people who are "granted" Then Fan in Tuyen Quang. Then Fan (also known as Then Ky yen) is used in rituals to pray for peace such as: worshiping the mother, praying for relief from drought, praying for healing or worshiping ghosts... Then Tinh has an accompaniment musical instrument such as a pipe, a squirrel beam. and music.

Viet Nam 2019

The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.

Mongolia 2015

Sacred texts representing the spirit, philosophy and teachings of the Buddha are chanted by the monks (Lamas) in the monasteries and villages of the Ladakh region. Buddhism in Ladakh has two sects: Mahayana - that follows the Sutra (treatise) tradition, based on the teachings of Budhha delivered in the form of public discourse; and Vajrayana - that follows a highly esoteric tradition based on the principles espoused by the Tantra practices. There are four major sects of Buddhism in Ladakh namely Nyngma, Kagyud, Shakya and Geluk. Each of these sects has several forms of chanting practised on diverse occasions as annual festivals; agrarian, life cycle healing rituals; for general well being, and to attain Buddhahood. Vajrayana Buddhism stresses the visualisation and recitation of Mantra through the practice of chanting. The chanting of Mantras is an integral part of Buddhist life in Ladakh. Buddhist Chanting is primarily practised in a group, by the monks. It is practised everyday in the monastic assembly hall as a prayer to the deities for world peace, and for personal growth of the practitioner. The villagers also patronise this tradition; they invite the monks to their homes for chanting on various occasions, such as family functions and important days in the agrarian calendar. In fact, on any given day, sounds of chanting can be heard in the villages all over Ladakh. It is a part of Ladakh’s daily life and cultural heritage. Monasteries work as the repository of knowledge and tradition, and as a channel for continuation and preservation of chanting. Buddhist chanting is highly evolved and stylised. The young monks are trained under strict and rigorous supervision of senior monks. Chanting texts are recited frequently till they are committed to memory. Thus chanting as a tradition is passed on from generation to generation as an oral practice and knowledge. The senior monks train young acolytes in the correct use of hand gestures ('mudra') that is an integral part of most chanting traditions. Bells, hand drums, flutes and the trumpets are usually used as accompaniments during chanting. They lend musicality and rhythm to the chanting. The four sects of Vajrayana Buddhism have their own different styles of chanting. Chanting styles can vary from one monastery to another, even if they belong to the same sect. In some sects, chanting is also accompanied with dance ('cham'), which is practised in the monastic courtyard. The Cham chantings of Hemis and Phyang, though they belong to the same sect of Kargyudpa, have entirely different chanting styles. The seven forms of chanting included in the dossier represent the diversity of the tradition practised in the Ladakh region. 1. Shargangrima - It is one of the most popular chanting of Gelukpa Sect. This is a eulogy recited by the Lamas as well as by the lay people in honour of Je Tzongkhapa who founded the Gelukpa sect in the 14th and 15th century. In Sargangrima, the chanters address Je Tzongkhapa as the second Budhha and celebrate him as the Son of the eastern province. 2. Nashthan Phyagzod -This chant uses musical instruments and 'mudras' (hand gestures) during chanting. It is a prayer for the 16 disciples or Arhats of the Budhha. Nashthan Phyagzod is chanted by the Lamas for all sects. The Arhats are the direct successors of the Buddha, the bearers of His teachings. The chant is a prayer to the Arhats to stay eternally on the earth for the sake of Dharma. At the end of each stanza, the chanters play drums, blow on a long flute and beat cymbals, providing a musical rhythm to the chanting. The monks symbolically offer music, dance, incense, flowers, lamps and food through 'mudras.' 3. Kunrig – This chant stresses on the internal visualisations by monks through repetitive chanting and 'mudras.' 4. Rigmachutuk – This chanting is performed by monks who dance in the courtyard of the monastery, wearing copper masks, silk robes and special shoes. It is based on two tantric texts. Rigmachutuk are the 16 fairy maidens or 'dakinis' who escort the titular Guru Padmasambhava in his Dharma missions. It is also performed during the funeral procession of senior monks. 5. Guru Mantra - This Mantra is recited by all followers of Mahayana tradition in Ladakh. This text is seen engraved on stones and metals and inscribed in flags and clothes all over this region. It is believed that this Mantra purifies the human beings of their sins. 6. Chod - It is a secret practice that is usually performed in the cemeteries. Chod requires great concentration and high meditative qualities. In this, the performer visualises that his consciousness has separated from his body, and has transformed into a deity. 7. Guhyasamaj Tantra – This chanting includes 'mudras' through which the monks emulate different missions of the Buddha. These chanting rites are performed all over Ladakh in various monasteries and villages. The nomination contains audio-visual documentation of performances conducted in strict adherence to scriptural guidelines, and under the guidance by the chief Lamas in the following monasteries. Thiksay Monastery Spituk Monastery Matho Monastery Hemis Monastery Phyang Monastery

India 2012