The art of Jamdani weaving is a time-consuming and labour-intensive form of fabric production by hand on a traditional loom built with wood and bamboo and with little use of metal. Jamdani weaving is based on the traditional knowledge and skills dating back to the fourth century BCE. The distinguishing hallmark of Jamdani weaving is that its designs are neither embroidered nor printed but created directly on the loom in the process of weaving. The product from this style of weaving is called Jamdani, a highly designed cotton fabric which owes its origin to Muslin, the finest and most transparent cotton cloth ever woven by human hand. Of classic beauty, Jamdani effectively combines intricacy of design with muted or vibrant colours. Jamdani is also a highly breathable cotton cloth which brings relief to its users in the hot and humid climatic condition of Bangladesh. The Jamdani weavers have remained in the weaving profession from generations to generations as a means of family livelihood. The element represents Bangladesh’s rich textile heritage, contains significant historic value and has been designated as a unique element of the intangible cultural heritage of the country. Jamdani weaving has survived and thrived due to growing popularity of Jamdani fabrics among Bengali women both at home and abroad. Almost the entire production of Jamdani is carried on in the form of sari, the principal dress of Bengali women. Sari is a long flowing piece of cloth, part of it wrapped around the waist, and the remaining climbs and flows over the shoulder. Women wear more charming or elaborately designed Jamdani saris during festivities and on formal occasions.

Bangladesh 2013

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

Inscribed in 2018 (13.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As one of the popular Korean folk tradtion, ssireum is a type of wrestling in which two players wearing long fabric belts around their waists and one thigh grip their opponents' belt and employ various techniques to send the opponent to the ground. It is played on diverse occasions, including traditional holidays, market days, and festivals. Ssireum games occur on sand in any available space around a neighborhood, and are open to participation by community members of all ages, from children to seniors. The winner in the final game for adults is awarded an ox, which symbolises agricultural abundance, and the title of Jangsa. When the games are over, the Jangsa parades around the neighborhood riding the ox in celebration. The customary practice of providing an ox as a prize is meant to allow the winner to farm more effectively.

South Korea 2018

The yurt is a nomadic dwelling used Kyrgyz people. It has a wooden circular frame covered with felt and braided with ropes, and can be easily assembled and dismantled within a short period of time. The bearers of yurt-making knowledge are craftspeople, both men and women, who produce yurts and their interior decorations. Yurts are made from natural and renewable raw materials. Men and their apprentices make the wooden frames by hand, along with wooden, leather, bone and metal details. Women make the interior decorations and exterior coverings, ornamented with traditional zoomorphic, vegetative or geometric patterns. All festivities, ceremonies, births, weddings and funeral rituals are held in a yurt.

Kyrgyzstan 2014

'Kiyiz' is a valuable felt material used by nomads in everyday life since immemorial time. Felt is manufactured from sheep, camel or goat wool by felting. Felt is made from wool using various methods to compress the wool fibers to form a thick, durable and warm material. Felt processing and products remains as one of the most popular crafts in the decorative art of the Kazakhstan steppes and other Central Asian countries. It was the major craft in Kazakh nomadic life as well as a significant work of women. Felt in Kazakhstan used mainly for flooring as a carpet well as covering a yurt. Nowadays one can get also a Kazakh felt souvenir toy. Warm slippers, vests, scarves and much more. Kazakhs used two basic types of felt, which differ in their method of manufacture and function. Kazakhs used coarse felt to cover the yurt and the dirt floor inside. Felt often decorated ornament. There are different methods of ornamentation: applique, ornamental stitch and many others. Skilled workers typically cover the entire surface of the felt track patterns, using a contrasting color. Kiiz is a simple felt carpet made of white, brown or grey wool, used as a foundation for making other products or to cover various parts of the yurt. Syrmak is a floor carpet, made by designing on a basis (kiiz) ornamental aptterns cut out of think multicolor felt which are then adjusted to the basis and sewed with color lace along the contour of the pattern, Tekemet is the Kazakh felt carpet with inserted color pattern on the top of each other before rolling. Different tribes in Kazakhstan each have their designs. Tuzkiiz ia a wall carpet, made by sewing ornamental compositions on felt or solid color fabric like velvet or silk, and then sewing them to the felt basis.

Disclaimer : ‘Traditional Knowledge for Mangrove Honey Collection’ is not an element officially designated by the government of Bangladesh and thus tentatively named by ichLinks secretariat to introduce the cultural expression with the name indicated above. We welcome your valuable comments and feedback about 'Traditional Knowledge for Mangrove Honey Collection' and its information presented on this page. Forest honey collection in the Sundarbans is unique to its geographical area. Mawalis, the honey collectors traditionally depend on the honey and wax that they get from the world’s largest mangrove forest for their livelihood. Honey collection starts in the Sundarbans between March and May. Khalisa honey is bountiful around this time. After khalisa come gewa, bain, and kewra honey. Flowers of Sundarban bushes blossom during the month of Baishak, April, while those of bain trees blossom in May and June. The fruits of the gol tree fall off in June and July. Forest bees play an important role in the natural pollination of these plants and trees, particularly at the middle and top layers of the Sundarbans, where all kinds of trees and flowers live together. Bees live on pollen and honey while birds live on bees. But the birds also prevail in these two forest layers. The birds themselves are food for snakes and tigers, making a critical food cycle in the area and balancing the vertical forest ecosystems of the mangroves. Meanwhile, women hold rituals and follow special rules when men go out to collect honey in the forest. During this time, the women neither stay too far from their home nor use oil and soap on their hair and body. They also do not burn peppers in the furnace, nor do they squeeze water from the bath towels. They cook food early in the morning and in the evening. They never make a fire in the furnace at noon, as they believe that lighting a fire at noon could harm both the forest and the beehives. When they collect honey, the Mawalis do not quarrel with others, lie, or misbehave with others. The men also do the same. They obey sajuni, the chief, no matter what happens. When the collection begins, they first see how bees move and track their path. They anchor their boats to the bank of the river and go deep into the forest to search for beehives. Once they find a beehive, they make a karu, a broom-like bouquet, to make smoke and drive bees out of the hive. They also cover their mouths with cloths to protect themselves from bee stings. Then they cut a part of the hive to extract honey but leave the other part, where the bees and their larvae stay untouched. After the collection is done, they put out the fire on the karu. The honey collected here is kept in different cane baskets. Lastly, they keep the honey in a flat pot, designed to keep off moisture and prevent honey from thickening.

Communities in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM) and in particular, communities of the outer islands of Yap state, continue the age-old indigenous traditions of building long distance ocean voyaging sailing canoes from local materials; and of traditional ocean navigation (wayfinding) without maps or instruments. As such, these communities preserve (their local versions of) the technical and intellectual traditions which are the last vestiges of indigenous traditions involving crafts, sustainable materials, design, mathematics and navigational reasoning. These traditions and technologies made possible the settlement of thousands of islands across the entire vast Pacific Ocean. These traditions are now lost in most Pacific nations. It is of note that the much celebrated Polynesian seafaring renaissance, and the history-changing voyages of the Hokule’a, would not have occurred without the involvement of a Micronesian master navigator, Mau Piailug, who taught the Hawaiians navigation skills long lost in their own culture. In addition to celestial navigation, the traditional wayfinders use a huge variety of environmental cues, including: atmospheric phenomena (the gathering of clouds over islands beyond the horizon); the subtle perturbations of swells caused by islands beyond the horizon; the behavior of (long distance flying but land based) seabirds and the occurrence of other air and water species.

Micronesia 2021

Gunduri is a straw mat, an agricultural byproduct consisting of the dry stalks of cereal plants after the grain and chaff have been removed. The temporary biodegradable products are made of natural material from the cereal crops such as barley, maize, oats, rice, rye, and wheat. It is used in villages and is locally made by the woman who has the skill to put it in a place. Whereas it is made of rice straw mostly in Tsirang, part of Dagana, Sarpang, and Samtse Dzongkhags. The making of the straw mats is carried out during the autumn season after the harvest of rice. It is also known as Gunduri in Lhotshamkha. The Gunduri making in Semjong gewog under Tsirang dzongkhag is still one of the unique cultures and traditions they have been practicing for so long. They prefer to use Gunduri because of their culture and tradition which have been preserved for so long. Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, 81 years old from upper Dzomling shared that they had used the Gunduri mat during the involvement of many people like marriage ceremonies, funeral rites, and when there was a celebration in the village. Due to the change in time, the practice of making Gunduri is declining because of available cheap carpets in the market. People prefer to use the Gunduri mat because of its comfortableness and convenient in many ways but it takes time, patience and lots of practice. These days people hardly practice the Gunduri making in Semjong gewog but however they still use the Gunduri mat that are woven aforetime which are in a good condition.

The Art of Calligraphy and writing is not only the fundamental need of academic knowledge but it is also an essential skill required preserving and promoting religious teachings. It not only requires academic intellects but most important the hand-skill of calligraphy. The origin of the calligraphy as per Lam (Spiritual master) Ugyen Tenzin Yoezer, popularly known as Lopen Nado, who was then the Advisor to the Department of Education on Dzongkha Development in Bhutan says that, there was a natural system of using words and phrases in oral communications such as conversations, discussions, and official announcements, consistent with the general practice. Development of the system of communication through the writing of letters and documentation had not been widespread. During the second visit of Guru Padmasambhava to Bumthang was in the 8th century, he was accompanied by one of his 25 principal disciples’ names Denmang Tsemang. At that time Guru Padmasambava gave the sacred teachings of the Secret Mantra to the King Sindhu Raja, but it was said that there was no system of writing in the country that time. So, it was Denma Tsemang who transcribed the transmitted teachings for the King’s practices and thus the beginning of the tradition of writing in Bhutan. Thereafter in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) transmitted the writing tradition to his heirs until the dawn of 17th century when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) established the State Government by initiating the Monastic Body where the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) was particularly set for the monks to impart and learn art of calligraphy. It was necessary not only or writing and learning for oneself but, for the woodblock engraving projects that was thriving in Punakha Dzong initiated mainly for the flourishment of the Buddhist teaching in the country. Later, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs until now. Some of the remarkable calligraphers that are enlisted in the Bhutanese history were; 1.\tDenma Tsemang 9th century 2.\tNgawang Penjor as Dzongpon and Ngedup Penjor (1964) 3.\tDrungyig Zimchenpa Tandin Wanggyel 17th century 4.\tLopen Wangdue 17th century 5.\tLopen Phuentso 17th century 6.\tTshewang Dorji 17th century 7.\tLopen Gangchen, also called Kuenga Pelden, 19th century during the reign of Desi Jigma Namgyal (1825-1881) 8.\tDrungyig Tshewang Ngodrup, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck (1862–1926) 9.\tGonpo Tenzin from Lingzhi, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck 10.\tZhongar Dzongpon Kuenzang Wangdue, 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 11.\tDrungyig Tsowo Dasho Kezang Dawa, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 12.\tTangbi Kezang, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 13.\tUra Yeshey Wangdi, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 14.\tSonam Peljor, 15.\tDasho Gaydon Thinley Dorji (?) 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd and 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1929–1972) 16.\tDasho Shingkhar Lam Kuenzang Wangchuk (?) 17.\tSey Dopola Aka Dasho Phuntsho Wangdi (1892-1953) 18.\tLam Norbu Wangchuk (?), 21st century during the reign of His Majesty the 4th King Jigme Singye Wangchuck (1955–) 19.\tYarab Aja Lama Drodul Zhenphen Dorji Tenzin (1921-2005) 20.\tLam Pema Tshewang, (1926-2009), 21.\tLopen Gonpo Tenzin from Chumey, Bumthang 22.\tLam Nado from Namgyal Dratshang (?) 23.\tDasho Tenzin Dorji (1928-2012) 24.\tLam Tenzin from Ramjar, Tashi Yangtse 25.\tChabje Geshey Gedhun Rinchen (1926-1997) 26.\tChabje Khenchen Ngawang Tenzin Doendup, 68th Je Khenpo (1925-2020) 27.\tLopen Daupo from Bartsham 28.\tLam Kuenzang Wangdi (aka Lam Nyingkhula) 29.\tLopen Yonten Gyaltshen, Central Monastic Body 30.\tDasho Sangay Wangchuk Generally, there are five types of calligraphy writing; U-chen (Block script), U-mey (Headless script), Len-tsa (Rajana script), War-tu (a type of Indian script) and finally the Jog-yig (the typical Bhutanese script). Amongst these scripts, Len-tsa and War-tu scripts are mainly used as decorative scripts, while U-chen is more common in writing Buddhist canons, ritual scripts and even for the formal corresponding letters and Jog-yig script is just for writing formal records and corresponding letters. Regarding U-mey script, though it is rare to its usage bring a Tibetan script but there are some calligraphers knowing how to write. However, the tradition of writing i.e. Calligraphy has been greatly hampered and left on the verge of dying tradition due to the emergence of computer technology and available fonts in the country. Yet, there are still well known and skilled calligraphers which are mostly used by His Majesty’s Kangyur Project for writing Golden Scriptures of Buddhist Canon and even by some individual Spiritual masters which have helped in reviving and revitalizing the art in the country.

“Pinisi”, literally referring to the rig and sails of the famed ‘Sulawesi schooner’, for both the Indonesian and international public has become the epitome of the Archipelago’s indigenous sailing craft. Construction and deployment of such vessels stand in the millennia-long tradition of Austronesian (‘Malayo-Polynesian’) boatbuilding and navigation that brought forth a broad variety of sophisticated watercraft, ranging from the outriggered boats that enabled man to migrate throughout the vast expanses of the Pacific and Indian Oceans to the massive ships encountered by the first European intruders into the Malay Archipelago. As in any maritime tradition, these practices involve sophisticated cognitive concepts that outline the three-dimensional form of a ship and its countless components as well as the advanced social organisation necessary to successfully build, operate and navigate trading vessels. Following centuries of mutual co-operation, the three communities now represent the pinnacle of the Archipelago’s boatbuilding and navigation traditions. In indigenous perception a ship’s hull is conceptionalised in the form of ‘plank patterns’ (tatta), i.e., comprehensive mental routines that delineate the configuration and assembly sequence of a hull’s planking, her inner strengthenings and the dowels holding planks and framing together. Deeply embedded into a series of rituals that complement the building process, these routines for many a traditional type of vessel define position, form and size of each plank, frame or dowel in a hull; for more contemporary ships the tatta provides an overall draught that can be adapted to changing constructional demands, thus facilitating perpetuation and enhancements.

Indonesia 2017

Ramlila, literally “Rama’s play”, is a performance of then Ramayana epic in a series of scenes that include song, narration, recital and dialogue. It is performed across northern India during the festival of Dussehra, held each year according to the ritual calendar in autumn. The most representative Ramlilas are those of Ayodhya, Ramnagar and Benares, Vrindavan, Almora, Sattna and Madhubani. This staging of the Ramayana is based on the Ramacharitmanas, one of the most popular storytelling forms in the north of the country. This sacred text devoted to the glory of Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, was composed by Tulsidas in the sixteenth century in a form of Hindi in order to make the Sanskrit epic available to all. The majority of the Ramlilas recount episodes from the Ramacharitmanas through a series of performances lasting ten to twelve days, but some, such as Ramnagar’s, may last an entire month. Festivals are organized in hundreds of settlements, towns and villages during the Dussehra festival season celebrating Rama’s return from exile. Ramlila recalls the battle between Rama and Ravana and consists of a series of dialogues between gods, sages and the faithful. Ramlila’s dramatic force stems from the succession of icons representing the climax of each scene. The audience is invited to sing and take part in the narration. The Ramlila brings the whole population together, without distinction of caste, religion or age. All the villagers participate spontaneously, playing roles or taking part in a variety of related activities, such as mask- and costume making, and preparing make-up, effigies and lights.

India 2008

Mudiyettu is a ritualistic art form of Kerala based on the mythological tale of battle between the goddess Kali and the demon Darika. It is a community ritual in which the entire village participates. After the summer crops have been harvested, the villagers reach the temple early in the morning on an appointed day. The traditional performers of Mudiyettu having purified themselves through fasting and prayers, proceed to draw on the temple floor a huge image of goddess Kali called 'Kalam' with coloured powder obtained from organic material. Kalam helps the performers imbue the spirit of the goddess. This is followed by an enactment of Kali-Darika myth, where Kali eventually vanquishes the demon. Mudiyettu performance which is said to herald the dawn of peaceful and prosperous new year, purifies and rejuvenates the whole community. It is performed annually in 'Bhagavati Kavus'', the temples of the goddess in different villages of Kerala along the rivers, Chalakkudy Puzha, Periyar and Moovattupuzha among thenMarar and Kurup communities. Mudiyettu combines in itself the mythic, the ritual, the festive and the ecological aspects of the community. At the same time it is an expression of aesthetic and creative aspirations of the community.

India 2010