Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.

Turkey 2009

Yig-par koni is an adverb that means engraving of scripts which is the art of Xylography, one of the indigenous craftsmanship art of Bhutan. Script engraving is done using special wood locally called Tag-pa shing (Birch: Betula utilis) that flourishes at altitudes varying from 3000 to 4200 meters above sea level. Tag-pa shing can be easily identified by its bark that has a mix red and pink and brown colours alternatively across the trunk like that of a tiger’s skin thus got its name. The art is considered as one of the religious craftsmanship since its significance, production and usage are all connected to spiritualistic believes and purpose. In Bhutan, the presence of skills for making woodblock prints are seen in temples, monasteries and Dzongs (fortress) every part of the country in the form of biographies, excellent teachings of the Buddha printed from woodblocks. The earliest biography is that of Terton (Hidden treasure discoverer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), as prophesied by Guru Padmasambava, the epitome of the Secret Teachings of Tantric Buddhism. Terton Pema Lingpa was the last reincarnate of Princess Pema Sal (?), daughter of King Thrisong Deutsan of Tibet. Owing to the propensity of his previous lives, the Terton knew craft works without training, and dedicating his skills to ensure the continuity of the Buddha’s teachings, had made uncountable number woodblocks, available in the monasteries established by the Terton himself and by his sons as well as in the house of a number of his patrons that can be seen even today. Moreover, Thugse Dawa Gyaltshan (1499-1586), the son of Pema Lingpa, had also engraved as many as 614 woodblocks for the collected works and autobiography in memory of his father which is still preserved at the sacred place of Kunzang Drag, Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). After Terton Pema Lingpa and his heart son Thugse Dawa Gyaltshen had started the tradition of woodblock print, Choje Ngagwang Tenzin (1522-1590), the reincarnate of Gartoen who was the son of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo, engraved the biography of Phajo Drugom in about 1570 (C.E). Then, in the 17th century Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal, having satisfactorily completed all the activities related to the dual system and before he went into the final retreat (i.e. parinirvana), initiated a project to engrave the collected works of the omniscient Pema Karpo (1527-1592) and all the essential ones and its prints are distributed them to all the monasteries and sangha communities as dharma donations. He created of the seat of Je Khenpo as the overall head of sangha monasteries and ecclesiastical affairs and that of Desi, who functioned as the secular head of the country. He had also appointed officials to fit these high-ranking positions. The successive Je Khenpo and Desis ensured the practice, manage and spread of the teachings and the good system of administration, by engraving unlimited number of woodblocks prints in their respective areas which can be seen still today in all the historical monuments. However, due to the advancement of printing technologies, the National Library & Archives of Bhutan is the only institution that is upholding the xylography art in the country while the practice is turned its form to an oral account.

In the Lhotsam (Southern Bhutanese) community, baby shower is an event observed on the eleventh day after the birth of a baby, which is generally understood as the naming of the new born baby. In fact, the act of performing “Nauran” relates to Hindu Holy Scriptures and it is done as a cultural and religious mandate. It is performed by all casts like the Rai, Gurung, Ghalley, Chhetri or Brahmins in Hindu religion following the same process on the eleventh day which is regarded auspicious.

Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.

India 2013

Traditional knowledge, techniques and process to produce “Washi” -Japanese hand-made paper have been transmitted through generations since the 8th century. It has been used not only for writing letters and making books, but also for home interiors such as paper screens, room dividers and sliding doors. While three communities (The Sekishu-Banshi Craftsmen’s Association, the Association for the Preservation of Hon-minoshi Papermaking and the Hosokawa-shi Craftsmen’s Association) have shared their traditional production process; using Kozo plant (mulberry family) as a raw material, soaking its skins in clear river water, placing loose Kozo fibers in thickened water and filtering them with a bamboo-screen, each community has developed their own techniques such that each Washi has its own specific feature. Following the introduction in the 19th Century of low-cost machine-made paper and the modernization of peoples’ lifestyles and consumption patterns, the production and use of Washi was extensively affected. However, people of the concerned communities considered Washi-making techniques as their important cultural heritage and continued to make Washi to meet both traditional and new consumers’ demands such as modern interiors. Most of the inhabitants of the three communities have been playing some roles in keeping this craftsmanship viable, ranging from the cultivation of Kozo, training of the techniques, creation of new forms of products to promotion of Washi domestically and internationally. Today their lives centre around Washi, acting as a catalyst of their social cohesion, identity and pride affirmation. Furthermore these communities have built strong ties between and among them by exchanging information and experiences with a view to cooperating with each other.

Japan 2014

Inscribed in 2014 (9.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nongak is a fusion performing art genre that combines a percussion ensemble (with occasional use of wind instruments), parading, dancing, drama, and acrobatic feats. It has been practiced for various purposes, such as appeasing gods, chasing evil spirits and seeking blessings, praying for a rich harvest in spring, celebrating the harvest at autumn festivals, fund-raising for community projects, and professional entertainment. Any joyful community event was never complete without uproarious music and dance performed by the local band clad in colorful costumes. The resultant ecstatic excitement (sinmyeong) is often defined as a preeminent emotional characteristic of Korean people. The music frequently uses uneven beats of complex structures like simple three-time, compound time, and simple and compound time. Small hand-held gongs and hourglass drums, with their metal and leather sounds, play the main beats, while large gongs and barrel drums create simple rhythmic accents. The small hand-held drum players focus more on dancing than playing music. Dancing includes individual skill demonstrations, choreographic formations, and streamer dances. Actors wearing masks and peculiar outfits perform funny skits. Acrobatics include dish spinning and miming antics by child dancers carried on the shoulders of adult performers. Nongak was most often performed and enjoyed by grassroots people, but there were also professional groups putting on entertainment shows. In recent years, professional repertoires have evolved into the percussion quartet “Samul Nori” and the non-verbal theatrical show “Nanta,” dramatically emphasizing the music element and thereby appealing to broader audiences at home and from abroad.

South Korea 2014

The people of Drangmaling-Nangar village in Tsamang Gewog, Mongar Dzongkhag in the eastern district gather every two years to perform Khar-phued. Literally, dairy product; milk, curd, cheese, butter, etc. were used as offerings. In other words, Kar means "wheat", Phued means "offering" - it is the offering of the first wheat harvest. Kharphu is a Bon ritual festival used to pay homage to local deities and ensure the well-being of the community, its households, livestock and crops. Kharphu is celebrated from the 26th day of the fourth month to the 2nd day of the fifth month according to the Bhutanese calendar. The village elders trace the origin of this ancient festival to the days of the creation of earth and sky (sachag namchag), as they do not know the exact century of origin or when it was held. The program and its components have been entirely preserved and passed down through oral tradition. This includes the ritual nightly exchange of songs that extends throughout the week. Apparently, this festival is in great danger of being lost in the modern cultural landscape.

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

Semah; originated from the Arabic word sema meaning heavens, fortune and hearing. Semahs are the most effective instruments for the transmission of Alevi-Bektaşi tradition. Semah is one of the main twelve services of the cem rituals which are considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents. It is possible to encounter various kinds of semahs across Turkey with different musical characteristics and rhythmic structures. The fact that there are variations in melodic and lyrical structure of semahs with the same name is an evident sign of the richness in semah culture. Centuries of oral transmission of semahs from generations to generations has enabled a rich diversity among semah culture. One of the main principles on which semahs are conceptualized is the unity with God which happens through a natural cycle. In this cycle man comes from God and goes back to God which resembles the circulation of the celestial bodies in the universe. However, man is the locus of this circulation. God is omnipresent and semah is the way to reach God. Hand and body motions in semahs have symbolical meanings. For instance, the motion in which one palm faces the sky while the other faces the earth is meant to say “You are God, we are the people, I come from You and hold your essence in me, I am not separated from You”. The motion in which palms first face the sky and then turned to the earth is meant to represent the same thought. When semahçıs (semah dancers) face each other just like in Tahtacı Semah it means that God is present in man and people facing each other will witness the divine beauty of God in man’s visage. The motion in which semahçı (semah dancers) turns the palm of his hand to his face represents man seeing his own beauty in the mirror and therefore he also witnesses the divine beauty of God. When both palms facing the sky are pulled towards the heart it is meant “God I am Man, so God is in me” or “God is in Man”. Semahs are categorized into two groups: 1- İçeri (private) semahs / Order semahs 2- Dışarı (public) semahs / Avare semahs İçeri Semahs (Order semahs): They are performed in Cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents) where 12 services are carried out. It is not desirable to perform içeri semahs in front of those without the faith. They are performed in three phases: - Ağırlama: The prologue with slow movements. - Yürütme: The phase when the semahs gets faster and livelier. - Yeldirme: The last phase when the semah is the fastest and hardest to perform. While this three-phase composition of semahs is very prevalent it is possible to see other kinds of performances as well. In some semahs it is very difficult to distinguish these phases from each other. Dışarı Semahs (Avare semahs, Yoz Semah or Mengis): They are performed independent of 12 services for the purposes of teaching the semah culture to younger generations or simply entertaining. Nevertheless, they are still loyal to semah principles. Dışarı semahs are mostly comprised of two phases; ağırlama and yürütme or ağırlama and yeldirme. Although semah performances vary according to regions, the main characteristics are common: - Semahs are performed by both women and men, - While semahçıs (semah dancers) in içeri semahs are limited in number there is no such restriction for dışarı semahs. - Semahçıs (semah dancers) start the semahs saluting and inviting each other. - While performing semah, semahçıs (semah dancers) are in a circular order or facing each other, without touching or holding. - Bağlama is usually the accompanying instrument to semahs but there are some regions where other rhythm instruments are also played during semahs. - While there is no specific attire to be worn in semahs it is not uncommon to wear traditional clothes in rural cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents). - When concluding semahs, dedes (spiritual leaders) usually say a prayer. - Transmission of semah occurs through the performance of the tradition. The basic characteristics and universal values reflecting the understanding of tradition bearers of Semah are as follows: -According to followers of Alevi-Bektaşi belief, every human being has a divine essence and they see man in unity with God called as the belief of “En-el Hak” which means “I’m God”. Thus, during the worship they prostrate towards one another. - Seeing man in unity with God, they internalize a humanist philosophy - According to Alevi-Bektaşi belief, sharing is of great importance in social life. “Musahiplik” (a kind of fellowship as regards to Alevi-Bektaşi belief) in which each individual chooses one another as a spiritual brother or sister committing to care for spiritual, emotional, physical and financial needs of each other, for the purpose of creating a type of communion intimately tied. - Alevi-Bektaşi believers object gender discrimination, therefore they pray side by side. - Alevi-Bektaşi followers consider offending human being as equal to offending God; hence, through establishing a kind of judging mechanism called “düşkünlük”, they use a sanction power over the members to prevent them from committing misdeeds. If one commits any of those, s/he is declared as “düşkün” (shunned) and temporarily or permanently excommunicated from the community or society. - The practices, traditional motifs and teachings are orally transmitted rather than written sources and distinct genres of art and literature particular to the tradition, thereby, have been created. - They practice their authentic worship and cultural transmission through expressions like lyrics, music and Semahs.

Turkey 2010

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Cheoyongmu refers to a court dance performed by five dancers in five directions (west, east, north, south, and center). Hence it is also called Obang (quintet) Cheoyongmu. It is unique in that it is the only form of a court dance performed using human masks. Designated Important Intangible Cultural Heritage on January 8, 1971, Cheoyongmu is a grandiose, mystic dance performed by male dancers. At the end of the Silla Kingdom (57 B.C. – A.D. 935), King Heongang went on an excursion to the seaport of Gaeunpo (present-day Sejuk Village area in Hwangseong-dong) in the southeastern city of Ulsan. On his way back home, the king felt strange about the sky covered with dark clouds and fog and asked his retainers the reason. “As it is caused by the dragon in the east sea, it should be resolved by conducting good deeds,” a court astronomer replied. Therefore, when the king had a temple built for the dragon, the dark clouds disappeared and the dragon, along with his seven sons, emerged from the east sea and danced. One of the dragon’s sons, named Cheoyong, followed King Heongang to the capital, married a beautiful woman and held an official rank. One night, when Cheoyong returned home, he found the spirit of smallpox trying to attack his wife. As Cheoyong sang and danced, the smallpox spirit presented itself and kneeled in apology. Since then, people have attached an image of Cheoyong to the gate to dispel evil spirits and invite auspicious energies. Until the late Goryeo (918-1392) era, Cheoyongmu had been performed by a dancer, while by the reign of King Sejong (r. 1418-1450) of the Joseon Dynasty it was danced by five performers. According to the Akhak Gwebeom, or the Canon of Music, Cheoyongmu was performed twice at the narye ceremony, which was conducted on New Year’s Eve to ward off evil spirits and the god of death of the passing year. The five dancers are clad in white, blue, black, red and yellow, symbolizing the west, east, north, south and center respectively. Based on the theories of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements, Cheoyongmu symbolizes the repelling of misfortune. The stately and vigorous movements reveal a valiant spirit and magnanimity. Cheoyongmu begins with proceeding toward the king to the music of sujecheon (“Long Life as Eternal as the Heavens”), singing the first line of “Cheoyongga” (Song of Cheoyong) with the words “silla seongdae soseongdae” (“Silla, the period of brightness and greatness”) in the lyric song rhythm of eolnak. Then, the dancers bow to the king and move to the center of the stage to the music of hyangdang gyoju (ensemble by Korean and Tang instruments). To the slow tempo music of seryeongsan (“Mt. Seryeongsan”), they form a square to dance sanjak hwamu (“Scattering in the Form of a Flower”) and rotate to the right. As the formation is changed to a cross, the music is also changed to samhyeon dodeuri (slow 6/4 beat music by three strings). After the dances of suyang sumu (“Dangled and Raised Hands Dance”) and mureup dipimu (“Moving Knee to Change Direction”), the dancers change the formation into a circle and rotate to the left. As the formation is changed to a straight line again, they recite a verse from the Song of Cheoyong, saying “sanha cheolniguk” (“To mountains or fields that are far away”) in the lyric song rhythm of pyeonak and then leave the stage, dancing nakhwa yusu (“Falling Petals and Flowing Streams”) to the music of songgu yeojigok (a sort of dodeuri). In light wine color, the Cheoyong mask features white teeth, tin earrings with a lead bead, and a black official hat decorated with two blossoms of peonies and seven peaches. The light wine color and peaches symbolize warding off the evil spirit, while peonies signify inviting auspicious energies.

South Korea 2009

Lozey (lyrical ballad or witty narratives) is a form of oral expression, appropriately described as one of the ornaments of speech. According to the accounts of elderly citizens in the western districts, the origin of Lozey goes back to the 12th century coinciding with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1148-1251). Often known as Togden Phajo, he was a Tibetan saint whose life and deeds are closely linked with the initial spread of the Drukpa School of teachings in Bhutan in accordance with the prophesy of Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), the founder of the Drukpa Kagyud Lineage. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo was followed by numerous Tibetan scholars who disseminated the teachings of the Buddha. Amongst these realised beings Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) was the destined leader. He instituted the traditions based on the Buddhist values of Mi-choe tsangma chudrug (sixteen virtues for mundane practice) and reformed the old traditions, resulting in establishment of the dual system of government in Bhutan, whereby a temporal ruler coexists with the spiritual authority of the nation. Amongst those indigenous traditions, the songs Parshing mindru gyelmo and Zurchen gyi sheypa are the most popular in Bhutan and are sung especially during the construction of typical Bhutanese house made of rammed earth. These age old songs are solely sung by the people of central and western Bhutan. Parshing Mindru Gyelmo is an honorific name given to the wooden tools used for ramming earth, therefore the tools are respected and revered as an embodiment of Khandro Sonam Peldon, consort of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo. The song has many verses inviting the Parshing Mindru Gyelmo to visit from Tibet and concludes with propitious words of seeing her off back to Tibet during the consecration ceremony for the new house. Similarly, Zurchen gi sheypa (song sung during the installation of four phalluses on the four eaves of the house facing the four directions) is also sung on the day of the consecration ceremony. Two groups are formed for the singing of the songs, normally separate groups for males and females. There are often verbal skirmishes between the male and female groups. A quick-witted and verbally eloquent person may compose appropriate verses of response on the spot based on the nature of the opponents’ song. It is said that the verses of these songs are so long, “if sung till the end, it is believed that it could last for almost a day” as told by a few elderly citizens. There have been incidents in the past when the host family had to place a large Palla (bamboo container) of Ara (distilled home brew) down and request the verbally warring songsters to reconcile. However, these songs are actually a type of ballad or narrative poem to which a melody was added later. The recitation of Lozey is still widely practised in the western part of Bhutan and is regarded as an entertainment and enjoyment by one and old alike. There are variants of given names for Lozey, sometimes it is also written as Losel, but, there is no clue why, since both terms have their separate sets of definitions. According to Lopon Kunzang Thinley, chief researcher at KMT Press, Thimphu, Lozey is an art of speech which requires a unique skill in making rapid response. It requires constant flow like the hair on a horse’s neck, thus, the term ‘lo’ means statement and ‘ze’ refers to the neck hair, and in this context to the brilliance of the bantering back and forth. Lozey is defined as brilliant, intelligent, clever and bright. In both Dzongkha and Tibetan dictionaries, Lozey is defined as any prompt statement constructed in verse well decorated with rhetorical qualities of similes and metaphors according to the situation. Such qualities can only be attributed to intelligent, quick-thinking and witty persons. Lozey is of three kinds: popular lozey (which consist various subject and episodes occur depending on the moods and feelings), lojue lozey (a narrative, usually of epic dimension), and finally lozey labja (lozey associated with advice and guidance). Therefore, most often lozey dwells within these episodes; che toed (praising), nyen lu or zalu (romantic), dralu (odium), medlu (disgrace), trolu (joyful), cholu (sad), tse tshol (debating/challenging), trashi/monlu (supplication) and lozey labja (advice/guidance). Lozey labja is sometimes identical to kortam (innuendo or indirect statement). Lozey has no fixed length, but may be long or short, which entirely depends upon the depth of knowledge of a person, but generally the shortest will vary from three lines to fifteen. Short lozey are called lozey do thum while long ones are called lozey jun-ringm. However, loju lozey are historical accounts and regarded as the longest and some lojue lozey are accounts drawn from oral tradition of how the fortresses were constructed by Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal. Lozey of each district has its own unique characteristics in style, language tone and recitation tune. Sometimes lozey can be used as means of debate or verbal skirmishes between people of different communities or villages, and between male and female. At least two participants are required for a lozey. After one has recited the initial verse, the other responds depending on the gist of the preceding verse. This is called Lozey khaejew (lozey competition) in Dzongkha. While reciting lozey, the rules are very simple. Depending on the type, if the opponent has good knowledge, he/she must respond with the same similes and metaphors that were used by the other. The challenge will continue until a winner or a draw is declared. In both cases, messages will be conveyed through eloquent usage of metaphors and symbols. The responses are never direct. Nevertheless, lozey can be used for both entertainment and wish-making in every aspect of life such as: Parshing gi she pa, Zurchen gi she pa, Dha she (description of Arrow), Gishey (description of Sword), Zo she (description of an Art), Shog da kuelwa (encouraging words while dragging large logs or boulders), Lang key (Praising words to the Oxen while ploughing), Che sho (making wishes while sowing seeds) and Bab she (wish-making while threshing rice) etc. A person who has the knowledge and skills is known as kham khe gyep (King of eloquence or an articulate person) in Dzongkha.

"Plowing” has been a traditional royal ceremony of the Khmer kings since ancient times. That is why to this day, the Royal Palace still plays an important role in organizing this ceremony. The rainy season, a king or a representative plow the fields to be the first to follow the path, because in the belief, the king is considered a deity who is in human appearance to rule over the kingdom. Therefore, the king is the king of the earth or the lord of the earth, that is, the "master of the field." On the other hand, even though the king does not farm directly, this ceremony shows the king's concern for the livelihood of the people. The plowing ceremony is also to pray for good rain according to the season, abundant harvest, prosperous district and free from all diseases. The history of the Khmer plowing ceremony probably dates back to the time when the Khmer came to know Indian civilization, as there are statues of Preah Pol Ream or Preah Tep (the avatar of Preah Nareay), the main deity of agriculture, holding a plow in Phnom Da (Takeo province) since pre-Angkorian times. Preah Pol Ream is probably quite popular, as there are sculptures in Banteay Srei, Angkor Wat, Baphuon, Banteay Sarae .... In the inscriptions, there are names of Preah Pol Ream who have different functions in the temple and are known as the name of Preah Pol Ream, for example, "សង្កស៌ណ" which means "plowed" or "pulled out". The evidence that Preah Pol Ream was the god of agriculture became clearer in the Middle Ages: the role of an official in charge of agriculture in the whole country is called "Oknha Pol Tep" and until the law governing this field, the Khmer people called it "Krom Pol Tep" (or called "Krom Peak Huk Pol Tep"). Therefore, it is not a coincidence that Preah Pol Tep, a deity, has a duty in the Royal Plowing Ceremony. His image was on a flag that was solemnly flown at the ceremony. Not only that, they built a statue of Preah Pol Ream (modeled after the statue of him at Phnom Da temple) in a stall for the ceremony and offerings that emphasize the importance of Preah Pol Ream in the plowing ceremony. Every year, the Royal Plowing Ceremony is held on the 4th of Roch Pisak (May-June), the beginning of the rainy season, and is celebrated in a designated field, sometimes in the capital and sometimes in the provinces. If it is done in Phnom Penh, the field of Preah Meru is used, and if it is done in Siem Reap, the field in front of the terrace of the elephants is used as the field. Before the day of the ceremony, they usually build a pavilion at Veal Preah Srae and other five pavilions as a place where the deities can watch the plowing from all five directions. According to tradition, before the 4th day of Roch, Visakh, from the 1st day of Roach, 2nd Roach and 3rd Roach, 5 Brahmins perform the Pali ceremony in the middle of Preah Srae to ask permission from Krong Pali, Preah Phum and Neang Kong Hing Preah Thorani Ceremony. After offering to Krong Pali, it is time to offer to Deva Rub in the ceremony hall by inviting Preah Panchakset (other Devarub) to be displayed in the ceremony hall and to hold ceremonies in the five directions. In the east, the Brahmins Preah Reach Kru invited the Preah Komjay to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. In the southeast, the Brahmins Thireach invited Preah Narayan to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. In the southwest, the Brahmins Preah Jeak Yea Thib Dei invited the Preah Chanti to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. In the Northwest, the Brahmin Preah Minthor (Mahenthor) invites Preah Ey So to set up and perform Horm ceremony. The northeast, the Brahmin invited Preah Kanes, to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. When the Brahmins perform the ritual for three days, the fourth day is the day of plowing. Previously, the king was the direct plowman. But if he does not perform this, a representative of Oknha Pol Tep must be appointed. If Oknha Pol Tep had other business, Oknha Pochnea was assigned to replace from time to time. Nowadays, it is rare to see a king plowing, often his representative, sometimes as a royal family and sometimes as a high-ranking official in the government. Representing the King is called "Sdach Meak”, wearing a robe like the King is a plowman." As for the wife of King Meak, called "Chumteav or Preah Mehua", she wears a robe in the manner of the king's wife, who sows rice crops. Early in the morning ... King Meak and Neang Mehua went to worship His Majesty to be appointed. The king put incense on the foreheads of the king Meak and his wife as a symbol of appointment, and the King gave Sdach Meak a sword. Meak. The King Meak holds his sword and travels to the procession which is waiting. The King Meak sits on Preah Sor Leang, and Preah Mehua sits on a hammock accompanied by a procession led by the music of Pin Peat (play the song called Klom). Upon entering the Royal rice fields, King Meak and Preah Mehua must worship at the southwestern center before starting the plowing ceremony. This plow has three plows: the front plow is called "Lead plow", the middle plow is held by the king Meak and there is another plow in the back. Preah Mehua must follow the third plow and sow the seeds such as the sesame, bean, corn, and the rice crops following the path. After plowing three rounds of the royal rice fields, the plowing procession stopped at the eastern Mondob so that the king Meak could enter to worship the deity of the Mondob. The last task is for the Brahmin to perform a prayer ceremony, the cows are removed from the yoke of the plow to eat the seven kinds of food prepared on a table with pedestal dishes, including water, rice, grass, corn kernels, sesame seeds, beans and wine. The cow’s prediction is predicting the well-being and productivity of the people this year. If the cows drink a lot of water, the prophecy predicts that this year there will be enough water and enough rain. If the cows eat a lot of grass, the animals will get sick. If the cows eat a lot of rice, beans and sesame, these crops will bear a lot of fruit. But if the cows do not eat, the prophecy is that this year there will be wicked people, many drunkards, and the nation will suffer and war. At the end of the ceremony, people, young and old, compete to pick rice, corn, and soybeans to be used for seed, because it is believed that when all these seeds are mixed with their own seeds, the yield will be good. What is special is that Cambodians believe that when everything goes through the ceremony, "Mongkol, Serey Soursdey, the yield will come.