ALL
invocation
ICH Elements 10
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Lha-soel: Offerings to the god of Sangbekha Community
The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.
Bhutan -
Pawo: Shaman
Part of the Bon tradition that still exists in Bhutan is the practice of shamanism. Shamans are sought out in times of illness, misfortune, or for divination. The practice of shamanism is common in almost all regions and is referred to differently in each region. It is also distinguished by ethnic groups, which can be divided into three major regions. Shamanism in Bhutan, as in other parts of the world, is deeply rooted in religion and involves supernatural powers. Since the practice of shamanism is based on religion, the religious origin and affiliation of the practice of shamanism in western and eastern Bhutan is Buddhism, while in the south it is Hinduism. There are two types of Bon practices: Bonkar and Bon nag. While Bonkar does not require animal sacrifice, Bon nag requires blood and animal sacrifice. Bon nag is virtually non-existent in Bhutan now that Buddhism is widely practiced. Popular shamanistic practices in the east include Pawo (male medium), Pamo (female medium), and Jab (Possessor or a deity). Nel-jorm (term for Pawo and Pamo in the West), Terda (male medium), and Jomo (jab of the East) are practiced primarily in the West. In the south, Jak-ri/Dha-mi is practiced, which is further divided into four categories: Ban-jhak-ri (abduction by a wild shaman), Naag-mata (female shaman), Ghalley-pawo (practiced by the Ghalley caste), and Rai-pawo (practiced by the Rai caste). Pawo Tashi Penjor (60) from the Shaba Gewog (block) under Paro Dzongkhag (district) has been a shaman for almost 21 years and is a well-known figure in the Gewog. His services are also sought by people from other Dzongkhags. During the Thangka Bonko, the Pawo asks the deity for help for the welfare of the community and for peace and prosperity. A shaman does not become a shaman by choice or interest. It is not necessarily hereditary. It depends on the choice of the deity or god. Before a person is identified as a shaman, he or she falls seriously ill and is confirmed by a divination from a lamb. After that, the person dedicates himself to a Yidam (protective deity) who is able to guide the person to a good Pawo. Pawo Tashi Penjor also became a shaman at the age of thirty and continues to assist the community with psychological and healing tasks. According to him, people continue to seek the help of shamans while seeking the assistance of technology and science. The amount people offer him does not deter him, whether it is small or large, because he only wants to help people. People seek the help of a shaman in times of illness, misfortune, or accidents that are beyond the control of medicine or other forms of intervention. A shaman acts as a medium between the people and the spirits or gods. He invokes the god or spirit, finds the causes of the illness and misfortune, and makes predictions about the actions or solutions. On such occasions, shamans are either invited to their homes, or they are performed only at the shaman's place. It is also performed during local village festivals or events such as Bon-kor, when the intervention of the Pawo or Nel-jorm is required. In such cases, the shamans help the village or community by predicting unforeseen mishaps or epidemics and suggesting appropriate solutions. On such occasions, shamanism is performed in a common place, either in a village Lhakhang (temple) or in a designated open space where local festivals are held.
Bhutan -
Culture of Çay (tea), a symbol of identity, hospitality and social interaction
Tea culture is an essential part of social and cultural life and is an important social practice aiming to show hospitality, celebrate important moments in lives of communities and helping them to build and maintain social relationships and enjoy moments by drinking tea for social exchange and interaction. It also represents knowledge, traditions and skills linked to cultivating, preparing and drinking tea by communities in Turkey and Azerbaijan. Tea is an agricultural plant the leaves and buds of which are used to make beverage. Tea plant transforms into dried leaves after steps such as plucking, withering, disruption, oxidation and drying. Although there are different types and brewing techniques in both countries, communities harvest and consume mostly the black tea. Traditional techniques used in preparing and harvesting tea led to development of special tools and vessels such as teapots, samovars, silver tray, woven tea baskets and tea plucking shear. Communities brew tea by using a great variety of kettles, produced in traditional craftsmanship, called “çaydan” or “çaynik” in Azerbaijan, a double container called "çaydanlık" (tea pot) in Turkey and samovar in both countries. Water is boiled in the larger pot and tea leaves are added to the smallest pot. Samovar is a traditional copper, clay, metal or brass container used to heat and boil water for brewing tea in smaller teapot, which is put on samovar. This method allows people to drink tea as they desire: strong or light. In rural areas especially, communities use metal samovars or “çaydanlık” heated with wood. Tea is traditionally served in special pear-shaped cups called “armudu” (literally, “pear-like”), made from glass, porcelain, faience, and silver in Azerbaijan and similarly small tulip-shaped glass, which is called “ince belli bardak” (thin waist glass) in Turkey. Communities traditionally serve tea freshly, brewed and hot, accompanied with various sweets, pastry, sugar, slices of lemon, jams and dried fruits. In different regions of Azerbaijan, communities also add local spices and herbs to tea, such as cinnamon, ginger and thyme. There is a special style of drinking tea with sugar called “kıtlama” or “dishleme” in both countries. In this style, tea is drunk by placing a piece of sugar between tongue and chin instead of pouring sugar directly into glass.
Azerbaijan,Turkey 2022 -
Art of pottery-making of Chăm People
Chăm pottery products are made with the skilfulness, flexibility and softness of hands and bodies of Chăm women, showing the individual creativity based on the knowledge handed over by the community. This has the following characteristics. The pottery is entirely handmade by women. Instead of using a turntable, women have to move backwards to revolve around the product placed in a fixed place to create the shape for it. The pottery is not glazed but fired outdoors. Raw materials (clay, sand, water, firewood and straw) are exploited locally. After being collected from Hamu Tanu Halan field along the banks of Quao river in Bàu Trúc village (Ninh Thuận province), the clay will be reproduced after a few year periods. The clay for making pottery of Bình Đức village (Bình Thuận province) is exploited in Xuân Quang village (3 kilometers from Bình Đức village to the Northwest). Tools for making pottery are simple because they are made use of local materials by artisans such as bamboo hoop scraper-polisher, bamboo hoop scraper to thin pottery products and clamshells and wetted coil cloth to make the product smooth. Without using a kiln, the finished pottery products are dried and baked outdoors with firewood and straw at a temperature of about 800 Celsius within 7-8 hours. Chăm’s pottery products are mainly household utensils, worshiping products, and fine art works including Jars (jek), pots (gok), trays (cambak), vases (bilaok), rice jars (khan brah). These products are characterised as being unique and carrying individual imprints.
Viet Nam 2022 -
Bumchod: A thousand offerings to Local Deities
Bumchod is an important annual religious ritual that makes offerings to the local deities in the village communities of Jarey, Wayang, and Changkhala of Jarey Gewog within Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Held at Jarey Temple for one full day on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month every year, the event consists of ritual prayers to two local deities – Nep Drakpa Gyaltshen and Tsan Kyibu Lungtsan; as well as the protective deity Gonpo Mani. The ritual prayers give thanks to these deities for their ongoing blessing and for the good health, good harvest, prosperity, peace, and harmony in the community over the past year. Bumchod also seeks similar blessings in the coming year. This ceremony is part of a divine sanction that gives the community authority and power as long as the local residents make timely and sufficient offerings to appease the deities. The event brings all Jarey residents—regardless of social status, age, or gender—together to celebrate the shared history that the ritual constructs. It offers community members a break from the trials of farming activities and raises the sense of communal co-existence and harmony. Elaborate ritual activities like Bumchod requires the community to rally as sponsors and supporters for the success of the planned works. These Tsawa or hosts carry out the organization and coordination of Bumchod. In the past, this festival was conducted by Jarey Nagtshang alone, but later the Gulibee household became one of the sponsors as the ritual branched out from Jarey Nagtshang family; and further as Jabung Bardhangpa also became sponsor being Threlpa (a tax-paying household). Thus, these three households used to conduct the Bumchod ritual in turn. Later, new households proliferated in and around Jarey, and today all these households actively take part in the Bumchod as Tsawa and even some households from Wayang and Changkhala villages participate as Tsawa in turn. Different households from three main villages – Jarey, Changkhala and Wayang– form a broad Tsawa group which is sub-divided into four groups by household wise: first group consist of Jarey Nagtshang, Manchulung, Tsabgang, Artobee, two households from Mregdong and Umling; the second group consist of Gulibee, Tashiling, Kyiranag, Manbingla, two households from Korbee, Trinta zhing, Dunphog and Godpodung; third group consist of Gonpa, Bardhang, Thekarla, Kyerchemey, Khomdhang zhing; and the fourth group is some households from Changkhala and Wayang villages. The contributions of cash and kind are collected from each household in their turn as sponsors. The food provisions collected are rice, butter/oil, cheese, vegetables, local wine, etc. and cash amounting to about Nu. 3000/- is collected to meet expenses for Chagyeb (offering for ritual performers) and for whatever needs to be purchased. On the day of Bumchod, all necessary arrangements preparing in the kitchen and serving food to ritual performers and guests have to be made by the sponsor Tsawa. In case they have a shortage of manpower, they can hire people from other households. It is customary that at least a one member from each household who are not the day’s sponsor come to pay respect to Bumchod ritual as guests of the Tsawa, at which time they make some contributions like butter, cheese, local wine and then present them to the Bumchod Tsawa; and in response and gratitude the Tsawa members host them lunch and dinner. It is also customary that each household brings freshly fruiting crops like chili, maize, rice from their field and then offers it to the local deities in the temple.
Bhutan -
Chubja Tsan-choed: Invoking the Local Deity of Chubja Community
The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.
Bhutan -
Neypo: Invocation of a Local Deity
A story has it that Neypo (A Local Deity) was originated from Tshokar and Tshonag at Singye Dzong. In olden days khando Machig Labdon stole a son (Sasung) from Tibet and brought to Bhutan to make him the guardian deity of Bhutan. When they reached Tshonag at Singye Dzong, Khando told his son not to open his eyes but the son was eager to know why his mother did not allow him to open his eyes; hiding he opened his eyes and he saw a huge Snake (neypo) in front of him and he got shocked and died on the spot. Khando really got angry and she chased the Neypo from Tshonag; Neypo fled toward south and he reached at a place called Tsango, there he told villagers, “I will look after your wellbeing, if you offer me one people in a year. Villagers did not agree and they said “we will give one sheep every year instead of people; Neypo thought it won’t be sufficient to fill his stomach, so he disagreed and he fled towards south and reached Khoma, and the same thing he told to people of Khoma but there people offered one ox in a year, still then he was not satisfied, he ran down and reached Thingling where Neypo said “I will look after your village wellbeing, what will you give me in return?’’ People replied, we will give a hen every year; Neypo compared three offerings of the people and the best offering was made by Khoma people, so he agreed to settle in Khoma. This is how Neypo Invocation ritual came into existence.
Bhutan -
Xoan singing of Phú Thọ province, Viet Nam
As a form of performing arts, Xoan singing includes singing, dancing, drumming and clapper beating. It is closely attached to the Worship of the Hùng Kings, founders of the country. Phú Thọ people created Xoan singing and performed it at the village communal houses, temples and shrines worshipping the Hùng Kings in springs. “Xoan” means “spring”. Bearers and practitioners form four guilds, in which the male and female Trum play the most important role; they preserve the songs, select students, transmit the singing styles and repertoires and organize practices. They are also active in introducing and teaching Xoan singing at the four Xoan guilds, and in clubs and guilds. A full Xoan performance cycle includes 3 phases: Worship singing (Hát thờ) with songs praising the virtues of the Hùng Kings and the village guardian deities; Invocation for good health and fortune (Quả cách) with 14 repertoires praising nature, humankind, and the daily life of the community; Festive singing (hát Hội) with songs featuring the couple love. The special characteristic of Xoan is the modulation between singers and instrumentalists at the perfect fourth interval, and it has a simple structure with few ornamental notes. Xoan dance's movements have a sense of imitativeness, illustrating people's daily life activities. After singing at their communal houses from the 2nd - 5th day of the Lunar New Year, the Xoan guilds travel to other communities venerating Hùng Kings to take part in convivial cultural exchanges. Xoan practitioners are organized into music guilds called Phường. The Leader of each guild is called “Trùm”. In the past, only men could be “Trùm”, but nowadays women could also be leaders. The Leaders are in charge of transmission and organization of activities of the guilds. At present, each guild comprises of 30 - 100 members. Men are called “kép”, women are “đào”. As a community performing art, Xoan singing fosters cultural understanding, community cohesion and mutual respect. The Vietnamese Institute for Musicology has collected 31 Xoan songs, and thanks to the efforts of several Xoan artists four guilds have been established. 33 dedicated clubs also exist, and seminars are held to expand knowledge of Xoan.
Viet Nam 2017 -
Nora, dance drama in southern Thailand
Nora is a lively and acrobatic form of dance drama and improvisational singing in local Southern Thai dialect. It is accompanied by strongly rhythmic music and elaborate costumes which embody a distinctive life force in Southern Thailand. Nora derives from community rituals in Southern Thailand that assemble families who perform Nora to honor their former Nora masters and expel harmful spirits. As central part vital community ritual performance, Nora helps the community to re-connect to its ancestors, to keep strong and to re-constitute itself by initiating new Nora dancers, healing illnesses, reconciling communal disorders and blessing all participants. Performances normally include a long oral invocation, followed by a performance centering on a lead character who dances with vigorous and elaborate movements of legs, arms and fingers. The lead Nora performer sings and dances scenes that are usually based on Buddhist Jataka tales – stories about the former lives of Lord Buddha – or those tied to legendary heroes, Phra Suthon and Manohra. The music ensemble plays highly rhythmic and fast-paced southern music, with the Thai southern oboe providing the melody and strong rhythms produced by drums, gongs, cymbals and wooden clappers. The main Nora performers – whether male or female – wear colorful and decorative costumes, with crowns or ‘Serd’ ornamented headdress, beads, bird-like wings tied around the waist, ornate scarves, and ‘Hang Hong’ or swan tails on the back providing the performers a bird-like appearance. Performers also wear long metallic fingernails that curl out from the fingers.
Thailand 2021 -
Zhugdre phunsum tshogpa: Ceremonial seating
The phrase in Dzongkha literally means ‘seated in the rows’ whereby participants are seated in rows at the ceremony, which is called zhugdre phunsun tshogpa. The zhugdre ceremony originates from the tantric teachings of Buddhism and has been adopted to be performed during happy and auspicious occasions. Phunsum tshogpa means grace, glory and wealth combined to represent the three essences of happiness. The ceremony begins with a general invocation to the higher beings that have helped shape the destiny of the kingdom and made it a land of peace and tranquility. Their powers and blessings are sought for the acquisition of the triple attributes of grace, glory and wealth. The ceremony is held during important functions to mark such occasions as promotion, marriages, visits of high dignitaries and consecration and inaugural functions for new buildings and enterprises. For the zhugdre ceremony, participants are seated in order of rank and seniority. The dignitary who is being honoured sits at the head of the row, usually facing all the participants. Once everyone is settled, different items of offerings are made first to the shrine and then to the dignitaries and participants. The first offering comprises the sweet root known in Bhutan as droem (in Sanskrit,kesar) and fragrant saffron water (drizang) and tea with saffron rice. This is followed by the offering of marchang and chagep (token money), and other food items such as zhugdre offering. Zhugdre begins with doma (betel nut) and paney (betel leaf ) and then a fruit that grows on a tree high up from the ground to signify the importance of the occasion. The number of items can range from 11 to 21 or as many as can be afforded in terms of time and resource, but they must end in an odd number and with a hard item such as walnut or chugo (dried cheese) to signify indestructibility by malignant spirits. Prayers are recited while the offerings are being distributed. In Bhutan, the beginning of zhugdre ceremony dates back to 1616 when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal, arriving from Tibet, was received with a zhugdre ceremony by Lam Druk Namgyal of the Obtsho family at a place called Lebnathang in Gasa District. Then at the consecration of Punakha Dzong, an elaborate zhugdre phunsum tshogpa was performed and the ceremony gained immense popularity thereafter. In order to receive what is being served during the occasion, participants are expected to bring their own phop (bowl) and torey (small piece of cloth, usually white, to receive food items) to the ceremony to receive what is being served during the occasion. The final stage of the zhugdre ceremony, known as trashi moelam, is a prayer for the good health, wellbeing and prosperity of the dignitaries and those present on the occasion. It is designed to help guests accumulate merits in order to attain the highest qualities of which man is capable, in this way benefiting not only those present on the occasion but also all sentient beings.
Bhutan