Meaning “elegant music”, Nha Nhac refers to a broad range of musical and dance styles performed at the Vietnamese royal court from the fifteenth to the mid-twentieth century. Nha Nhac was generally featured at the opening and closing of ceremonies associated with anniversaries, religious holidays, coronations, funerals and official receptions. Nha Nhac shares a nationwide scope and strong links with the traditions of other East Asian countries. Nha Nhac performances formerly featured numerous singers, dancers and musicians dressed in sumptuous costumes. Large-scale orchestras included a prominent drum section and many other types of percussion instruments as well as a variety of wind and string instruments. All performers had to maintain a high level of concentration since they were expected to follow each step of the ritual meticulously. Throughout historical transitions, Nha Nhac’s cultural context and functions have shifted. Beside its re-enacted performances for spectacle purpose, Nha Nhac music and its expressions are viable and relevant to local communities in Thua Thien Hue, especially in festive events and ceremonies, such as festival, funeral, ancestral worshipping ritual, and birthday anniversary.

Viet Nam 2008

Nomadic way of life of the Kyrgyz and natural conditions they have lived in had their impact on formation of traditional system of knowledge, social and economic practices of livelihood directed at resect for nature and surrounding world. Traditional knowledge on cattle breeding and pasturing are based on ancient practices and measures on sustainable use of lands, soil, and vegetation for sustenance of the population. They consist of knowledge on movements of livestock, peculiarities of pasturing, soil remediation, re-vegetation, forage conservation and disposal of feeding stuffs, and peculiarities related to veterinary and care of the livestock.

It is a combined genre consisting of a dutar making craftsmanship with creative abilities including a composing of music and performing of dutar’s music sat down accompanying by singing. A dutar is a two-stringed, long necked lute consisting of a pear-shaped resonator (body) covered by thin wooden sounding board. The turkmen dutar’s resonator and soundboard are made from mulberry wood prepared from dried bole of the tree no less than 50 years old and the neck of apricot wood. Most melody’ notes are played on the upper of the dutar’s two strings with the four fingers of the left hand. The dutar is an inseparable part of culture of the turkmen people where it is found in all of the main genres of turkmen music and singing. Performers of the turkmen dutar‘s music and singers are divided into 2 groups. A dutar player named as a dutarchy is performing only dutar’s music. A bagshy is a peformer of dutar’s music accompanying by singing of the different genres of poetry which also subdivided into 3 types according to their performing styles and repertiores. A yanamachy bagshy is only a singer accompanied by music performed by dutarchy. A tirmechi bagshy is a performer of different genres of the turkmen music accompanying by singing. A dessanchy bagshy is an epic perfomer incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation which in its performances a prose and poetry are alternated.

Turkmenistan 2021

Dey-zo is an art of manufacturing paper using an indigenous plant locally called Dey-shing (Daphne: ). The term Dey refers to Daphne and zo is an art therefore, when these two words combines, an art of Daphne i.e. making paper out of Daphne pant bark. Though there are more than 21 different types of Daphne species- for paper making purpose in Bhutan are of two types; Dey-kar, white Daphne and the other is Dey-na, black Daphne. The white Daphne grows up to four or five metres in height and has pale green oval shaped leaves and greyish bark. Its flowers are yellow at the top so they look generally yellowish, though the stems are whitish in colour. They produce a pleasant odour. White Daphne grows in Bhutan from an altitude of 1,500 to 3,500 metres in huge groves on the edge of open meadows and forests. The black Daphne, on the other hand, grows from 500 to 3,000 metres above sea level. Unlike the white Daphne, it grows as individual plants, scattered along the forest floor. Though the colour of bark is greyish, the flowers are somewhat brownish. Papers made from black Daphne are considered to be the best for its long lasting and Thsar-sho paper specially manufactured by using bamboo mat frame are normally used for writing purpose. Generally Dey-sho comes in two different types; Tshar-sho and Re-sho. Tshar-sho is made by using a special bamboo crafted mat frame while the latter is a produce from cloth frame though both the papers’ raw materials are either white or black Daphne plant bark. However, upon the demand, paper makers also makes blue or indigo paper (Sho-na or Thing-sho) using the tshar-sho making techniques for gold script writing. Perhaps, the paper making art must have been existed in the early centuries, even before the use of words and sentences, when pictures and symbols were used as a means of communication in Bhutan as the Padma chronicles mention that "the king ordered paper to be collected in the land of the Mon." This was when the Dharma King Trisong Detsen (755-804) of invited Guru Padmasambava to Tibet in the 8th century and introduced the Tantric teachings to that land. Having completed the construction of Samye Monastery, translation of Buddha's precepts and commentary texts that are written in Sanskrit were initiated into Tibetan language through Indian pandits and incarnate translators from Tibet, but there was not enough paper in Tibet. So the king imported huge amounts of paper from the southern country (Bhutan), which enabled Tibet to produce many volumes of the scriptures. This means that trade between Tibet and Bhutan was already active at that time. The so-called shog-tang (shog-ltang), a cargo size of 1000 sheets of Daphne paper, were transported to Tibet in large quantities for trade purposes. This means that very early in history, papermaking was passed down from generation to generation, from father to son, from son to son, and so on. Gradually, as the demand for paper increased, the paper industry in the country expanded, especially in the 17th century when great changes took place in the country after the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651). At that time, the demand for paper increased greatly at the central government, monastic community and monastery levels, leading to a nationwide expansion in the production and use of paper especially for printing purpose. Paper manufacturing units were instituted in Dzongs and employed five people either form the monastic body or from the lay citizens for papermaking. The raw materials such as daphne bark, ash, etc. were supplied by the residents of the respective dzongkhag as tax. The dzongkhag administrations then transported the paper cargoes to the central government and ensured proper remuneration. The skilled workers at the papermaking centers were also appointed from the villages and households in the district, who were exempt from other charges such as labor, fodder, firewood, and pounded rice. A load Shog-tang as mentioned above, was a bundle of 1000 sheets of paper. (Lam Kezang Chophel, 2021). Normally a single sheet of paper measures approximately 75x110 cm and colloquially it is called pheg-pang. Although, papermaking was once a thriving art until 1970 yet, due to the development progress in the country and introduction of imported papers such as books and note books has gradually affected in declining number of paper production centres in the country.

The Art of Calligraphy and writing is not only the fundamental need of academic knowledge but it is also an essential skill required preserving and promoting religious teachings. It not only requires academic intellects but most important the hand-skill of calligraphy. The origin of the calligraphy as per Lam (Spiritual master) Ugyen Tenzin Yoezer, popularly known as Lopen Nado, who was then the Advisor to the Department of Education on Dzongkha Development in Bhutan says that, there was a natural system of using words and phrases in oral communications such as conversations, discussions, and official announcements, consistent with the general practice. Development of the system of communication through the writing of letters and documentation had not been widespread. During the second visit of Guru Padmasambhava to Bumthang was in the 8th century, he was accompanied by one of his 25 principal disciples’ names Denmang Tsemang. At that time Guru Padmasambava gave the sacred teachings of the Secret Mantra to the King Sindhu Raja, but it was said that there was no system of writing in the country that time. So, it was Denma Tsemang who transcribed the transmitted teachings for the King’s practices and thus the beginning of the tradition of writing in Bhutan. Thereafter in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) transmitted the writing tradition to his heirs until the dawn of 17th century when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) established the State Government by initiating the Monastic Body where the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) was particularly set for the monks to impart and learn art of calligraphy. It was necessary not only or writing and learning for oneself but, for the woodblock engraving projects that was thriving in Punakha Dzong initiated mainly for the flourishment of the Buddhist teaching in the country. Later, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs until now. Some of the remarkable calligraphers that are enlisted in the Bhutanese history were; 1.\tDenma Tsemang 9th century 2.\tNgawang Penjor as Dzongpon and Ngedup Penjor (1964) 3.\tDrungyig Zimchenpa Tandin Wanggyel 17th century 4.\tLopen Wangdue 17th century 5.\tLopen Phuentso 17th century 6.\tTshewang Dorji 17th century 7.\tLopen Gangchen, also called Kuenga Pelden, 19th century during the reign of Desi Jigma Namgyal (1825-1881) 8.\tDrungyig Tshewang Ngodrup, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck (1862–1926) 9.\tGonpo Tenzin from Lingzhi, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck 10.\tZhongar Dzongpon Kuenzang Wangdue, 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 11.\tDrungyig Tsowo Dasho Kezang Dawa, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 12.\tTangbi Kezang, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 13.\tUra Yeshey Wangdi, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 14.\tSonam Peljor, 15.\tDasho Gaydon Thinley Dorji (?) 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd and 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1929–1972) 16.\tDasho Shingkhar Lam Kuenzang Wangchuk (?) 17.\tSey Dopola Aka Dasho Phuntsho Wangdi (1892-1953) 18.\tLam Norbu Wangchuk (?), 21st century during the reign of His Majesty the 4th King Jigme Singye Wangchuck (1955–) 19.\tYarab Aja Lama Drodul Zhenphen Dorji Tenzin (1921-2005) 20.\tLam Pema Tshewang, (1926-2009), 21.\tLopen Gonpo Tenzin from Chumey, Bumthang 22.\tLam Nado from Namgyal Dratshang (?) 23.\tDasho Tenzin Dorji (1928-2012) 24.\tLam Tenzin from Ramjar, Tashi Yangtse 25.\tChabje Geshey Gedhun Rinchen (1926-1997) 26.\tChabje Khenchen Ngawang Tenzin Doendup, 68th Je Khenpo (1925-2020) 27.\tLopen Daupo from Bartsham 28.\tLam Kuenzang Wangdi (aka Lam Nyingkhula) 29.\tLopen Yonten Gyaltshen, Central Monastic Body 30.\tDasho Sangay Wangchuk Generally, there are five types of calligraphy writing; U-chen (Block script), U-mey (Headless script), Len-tsa (Rajana script), War-tu (a type of Indian script) and finally the Jog-yig (the typical Bhutanese script). Amongst these scripts, Len-tsa and War-tu scripts are mainly used as decorative scripts, while U-chen is more common in writing Buddhist canons, ritual scripts and even for the formal corresponding letters and Jog-yig script is just for writing formal records and corresponding letters. Regarding U-mey script, though it is rare to its usage bring a Tibetan script but there are some calligraphers knowing how to write. However, the tradition of writing i.e. Calligraphy has been greatly hampered and left on the verge of dying tradition due to the emergence of computer technology and available fonts in the country. Yet, there are still well known and skilled calligraphers which are mostly used by His Majesty’s Kangyur Project for writing Golden Scriptures of Buddhist Canon and even by some individual Spiritual masters which have helped in reviving and revitalizing the art in the country.

Sing-si is a type of oil/ghee produced manually. It is purely made with locally available materials and doesn’t mix any imported ingredients unlike the oil which are available in the market today. The main ingredient used is the Se-lung- a black small oily seed. Its scientific name is Parasassafras Confertiflora. The Se-lung tree is either wild or domesticated. Usually, in bygone days, it is believed that almost many villages had a trend of processing Sing-si, however, the trend wasn’t famous unlike Thongsa village under Chongshing Gewog (block) in Pemagatshel. According to grandma Nimdaza who is seventy-four years old, processing of Sing-si was part and parcel of their lives and members from every household were engaged in performing chores of Singsi production. Further she says that the labor contribution was also done depending upon the number of members present in the household. More than one worker was engaged from the household which had more family members. The materials needed were –Tsir (a small bamboo basket), Mar-kang (wooden block), plank, stones, Neetong-ma (pestle), frying pan, Luu (pounding stone). The Sing-si was used mainly for offering butter lamps. Other secondary uses were for human and animal consumption. Humans consumed it as there weren't imported oils available those days in the shops.

Ak-kalpak is a traditional Kyrgyz felt headwear. Kalpak is appreciated and worn by all men regardless of age and status. Kalpak is one of the most iconic and recognizable elements of the Kyrgyz culture. The word Ak has several connotations in Kyrgyz language. One of the meanings is “sacred”, “pure”. The kalpak’s shape has not changed in centuries because this shape symbolizes the heights of surrounding mountains and the purity of the folk spirit. There are many varieties of kalpak. Based on various techniques of felting, cutting and sewing, there are more than 80 types of kalpak. Almost all kalpaks have embroidery patterns on them. Each pattern has its own sacral meaning and history. Two varieties are most popular at the moment. One has one small cut in front and the other one, called Bakai kalpak, has two cuts on the sides. Bakai kalpak is worn by people of older age. Various colors on kalpak edges are used to symbolize the age of the kalpak owner, although these rules are not set in stone and there are many exceptions to this rule in everyday life. -\tGreen edged kalpaks are for children. Young boys wore those kalpaks. Green is a color of youth and shows that they are at the beginning of their life paths. -\tBlue edge is a color for adolescents. This was the color for men over 20s. The color of sky symbolized maturing. - Brown edged kalpak was worn by men over 30 years old. Brown symbolized that the person already has a family and as a head of the family have accumulated enough life experience and is ready to serve the country. - A beige colored edge was worn by mature men over 40, when they could serve as an example for the younger generation. - Black edged kalpak was born by elderly men over 60. Black edge on a white felt symbolizes wisdom. An elderly widower wore a white kalpak with black felt edge. It meant that his kids allowed him to marry again. - The most honorable completely white kalpak was worn by wise elders. Such kalpak is given to acknowledge his leadership and authority.

Kyrgyzstan 2019

Kumbh Mela (the festival of the sacred Pitcher), is the largest peaceful congregation of pilgrims where people bathe or take a dip in a sacred river. Held at Allahabad, Haridwar, Ujjain and Nasik every four years by rotation, the Kumbh at Prayag/Allahabad is the most significant. Ardha ("Half") Kumbh Mela is held at only two places, Haridwar and Allahabad, every sixth year. It is held on the banks of the rivers - Ganga in Prayag, Saraswati in Haridwar, Godavari in Nashik and Shipra in Ujjain. A great fair is held on these occasions on the banks of the rivers. Devout believe that by bathing in the Ganges one is freed from their sins liberating them from the cycle of birth and death. A unique facet is that millions of people reach the place without any invitation. Mythology says the gods and the demons fought for the pot with the nectar of immortality. Lord Vishnu, disguising himself as an enchantress (Mohini), seized the nectar. While fleeing from the evil ones, Lord Vishnu passed the nectar on to his winged mount, Garuda. In the ensuing struggle, a few drops of the precious nectar fell on Allahabad, Nasik, Haridwar and Ujjain. Since then, the Kumbh Mela has been held in these places. The astrological sequence of the stars are the basis for the Kumbh locations. As Jupiter enters in Aquarius and Sun enters Aries the Kumbh is held at Haridwar, Jupiter enters Aries and Sun and Moon in Capricorn at Prayag and so on.

India 2017

Inscribed in 2013 (8.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As the temperature falls in late autumn, the topic of choice for most Koreans is kimjang, making a large quantity of kimchi to sustain them through the country’s long and harsh winter. Kimchi, a categorical name for Korean-style preserved vegetables seasoned with local spices and fermented seafood, was recorded as part of Korean diet as early as 760 years ago. Kimchi has been an essential part of Korean meal across class and regional differences. The most humble meal consists of cooked rice and kimchi, but even the most luxurious banquet is not complete without kimchi. Kimjang incorporates Koreans' understanding of their natural environment, and closely reflects their regional ecosystems. Over time, Koreans have developed methods that best fit their specific natural conditions. Kimjang is thus deeply rooted in the natural milieu of Korean habitats. Preparation for kimjang follows a yearly seasonal cycle. In spring, households secure shrimp, anchovy, and other seafood for salting and fermenting. In summer, they purchase sea salt to be stored for up to two or three years, to let the bitter taste of brine out. In late summer, red chili peppers are dried and ground into powder. In late autumn housewives carefully monitor weather forecasts to determine the optimal date for kimjang: it is important to choose the right temperature for the kimchi to acquire the best taste through storing it in cool and stable conditions. In the custom of exchanging kimchi among households after kimjang, innovative skills and creative ideas are shared and accumulated.

South Korea 2013

“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.

Japan 2009

WASHOKU is social practice based on a comprehensive set of skills, knowledge, practice and traditions related to the production, processing, preparation and consumption of food. It is associated with an essential spirit of respect for nature closely related to the sustainable use of natural resources. WASHOKU has developed as part of daily life and with a connection to annual events and is constantly recreated in response to changes in human relationship with natural and social environment. Basic knowledge, social and cultural characteristics associated with WASHOKU are typically seen in New Year’s cerebrations when Japanese people immerse themselves in their tradition transmitted from generations to generations, thus reaffirming their identity and continuity. WASHOKU in New Year’s celebrations are regionally rich in diversity, given that each province has its own historical and geographical specificity. People make various preparation to welcome the deities of the incoming year; pounding rice cakes, preparing special meals such as beautifully decorated dishes called Osechi, Zoni and Toso, using fresh locally available ingredients each of which has a symbolic meaning. These dishes are served on special tableware and shared by the family members, or shared collectively by the community members, ensuring peoples’ health and social cohesion. This provides an occasion for elderly persons to teach the meanings contained in this social practice to the children. In daily life, WASHOKU has important social functions for the Japanese to reaffirm identity, to foster familial and community cohesion, and to contribute to healthy life, through sharing traditional and well-balanced meals.

Japan 2013

Mongols use the felt for their daily life, such as to cover the ger, to make carpet and make clothes. Prior to making felt, the family sets the good day to make a felt and announces it to the neighbors, relatives and friends in its vicinity. The family who is going to make felt prepares fermented mare’s milk and other dairy products, and butchers a sheep for those who are going to assist in felt making. The previously made sample felt is laid on the ground with well grown grass. Three layers of woolens are alternately laid and spread out on the sample felt and each layer is evenly sprinkled with water. After the third layer, the layers of wool along with the sample felt are wrapped around the pole. This roll of wool is then covered with soaked hide and tightly bound together with rope. Two men on horseback then pull the roll to make the felt “whiter as snow and tighter as bone”.