A cattle breeding is one of the ancient activities dealt by Uzbeks. It is the dominant animal husbandry industry specializing in breeding cattle for milk, beef, leather raw materials, as well as as a traction force. Even the holy book of Zoroastrianism, “Avesta”, calls upon careful attitude towards cattle, in particular, in relation to horses, bovine animals, sheep and goats. A cattle breeding was one of the main activities in mountainous, submontane and steppe areas of Uzbekistan. The essence of traditions, knowledge and skills related to cattle breeding and goals pursued by them, were always the same - they were aimed at breeding animals, protecting them from various diseases, predators and thieves, preventing their loss, etc.

Mongols move from place to place throughout four seasons in search for new pastures. In order to use the grass-land properly Mongols move from place to place and this has been an important part of their life and traditions associated with animal husbandry for hundreds of years. There are strict rules to follow for the practices of moving. Mongols have a tradition to move on a clear and cloudless day by observing the sky and weather. The head of the family decides where to encamp. After the loading of the camels or oxen is completed, the old sites of the ger and corral are cleaned. Ashes and rubbish are taken away. The old sites and holes where the tethering line was get leveled. The load leading horse’s main is cut. There is a custom that the lady of the house dressed in her best garment to lead the load on a horseback with fully decorated saddle.

Mongols have traditionally shown a great respect for the horse, honoring it in their national standards and symbols (flags and emblems) and in their folk songs. Morin khuur clearly belongs to this symbolic tradition. Morin khuur, so named for the ornamental horse-head carving at the top of its neck, is a unique two-stringed musical instrument developed by the nomadic Mongols. The strings of both the bow and fiddle are made from the hair of a horse’s tail. Most significantly, there is a tradition of playing the morin khuur at all ritual and ceremonial events. No discussion of the morin khuur would be complete without having considered the folk ‘long song’, for which it provides the principal accompaniment. Besides Bii Biylgee and folk long song, many other folk artistic forms such as Ülger (tales), Tuuli (epic), Yörööl (benediction), Magtaal (ode) and others can always be performed with morin khuur.

Mongolia 2008

The coaxing ritual is used by herders to save newborn camel calves orphaned or rejected by their mothers, and to avoid the loss of vital camel milk. A camel mare is coaxed into accepting an orphaned or estranged calf by the singing of a melody accompanied by the morin khuur horse-head fiddle. This handling technique helps the survival of newborn calves and maintains the mother’s lactation. The renowned Russian poet Sergei Yesenin once said that “It is indeed undoubted that Mongols could make the camel cry with the melody of khuur (fiddle)”.

Mongolia 2015

A story has it that Neypo (A Local Deity) was originated from Tshokar and Tshonag at Singye Dzong. In olden days khando Machig Labdon stole a son (Sasung) from Tibet and brought to Bhutan to make him the guardian deity of Bhutan. When they reached Tshonag at Singye Dzong, Khando told his son not to open his eyes but the son was eager to know why his mother did not allow him to open his eyes; hiding he opened his eyes and he saw a huge Snake (neypo) in front of him and he got shocked and died on the spot. Khando really got angry and she chased the Neypo from Tshonag; Neypo fled toward south and he reached at a place called Tsango, there he told villagers, “I will look after your wellbeing, if you offer me one people in a year. Villagers did not agree and they said “we will give one sheep every year instead of people; Neypo thought it won’t be sufficient to fill his stomach, so he disagreed and he fled towards south and reached Khoma, and the same thing he told to people of Khoma but there people offered one ox in a year, still then he was not satisfied, he ran down and reached Thingling where Neypo said “I will look after your village wellbeing, what will you give me in return?’’ People replied, we will give a hen every year; Neypo compared three offerings of the people and the best offering was made by Khoma people, so he agreed to settle in Khoma. This is how Neypo Invocation ritual came into existence.

Sanjyra is the oral listing of ancestors on the straight male-line. It was compulsory for everyone to know his ancestors as the Kyrgyz identified themselves through a link with clan and tribe. Sanjyra provided answers to the questions such as: “Who are you?”, “Who were your father, grandfather?”, “From which family are you?”. That is why there is a saying: “Those who do not now their ancestors will become slaves”. The Kyrgyz genealogy consists of three large groups: right wing (on), left wing (sol) and the ichkilik (inner) group. Similar to many genealogies of other nations, it represents a sprawling crown of a tree (tree of life). Intertribal hierarchy was built on the male-line by giving the male names to the titles of tribal clans.

Short song is one of the popular forms of folk songs, closest to the daily lives of people, richest in terms of repertory and sang with wide popularity with multitude versions. In terms of composition, short song has mostly 3-5 verses, each imply similar meanings with lyrical rhymes that prove, emphasize and conclude it from all facets. Melody of the Mongolian short song is mellifluous, easily imprinted in mind, and lyric of short songs is laconic, definite and poetically expressed. The theme of the Mongolian short songs are classified as, short song about lifestyle, love, philosophical or morality, wedding, ritual, humorous, historical, lullaby and respectful.

Suri Jagek, literally translated to ‘observing the Sun’ is the traditional Kalasha meteorological and astronomical knowledge system and practice based on the observation of the Sun, Moon, Stars and Shadows with respect to the local topography. The practice of Suri Jagek demonstrates the relationship of the Kalasha people with their surroundings and the capacity of their immediate geographical context to sustain their way of life. Suri Jagek is a knowledge system which connects a long history of “events” to topographical locations. The system is a complex structure of empirically observed accumulated knowledge and is repeatedly referenced to allow the Kalasha people to predict the appropriate time for the sowing of seed, animal husbandry and natural calamities. It is also used to govern the Kalasha calendar by determining dates of important social events, festivals, feasts and religious ceremonies. It draws greatly from the rich cultural heritage and social practices of the people, therefore functioning in the capacity of a repository of the history of the people and the region at large. Visual cues existing within the periphery of the topography are used to mark the specific positions of the rising and setting Sun, and hence the collective markings are used to record the positions of the Sun throughout the year. Observatories called ‘Suri Jagaekein’, are chosen in each village to observe the rising Sun, and a separate location is assigned to observe its setting. The specific positions on which the sun casts its shadows are also marked in some people’s houses on walls or poles etc. Individual localities have their own specific knowledge, generated using the common processes of marking the positions of the Sun. Qazis, who are authorities on matters pertaining to religion, history and indigenous models of conflict resolution, farmers, some shepherds and a few village elders are the knowledge bearers of Suri Jagek and the observations at the Suri Jagaekein made by various community members are shared in communal gatherings. A general consensus is reached in a Jirga (communal forum); however, presently this is only practiced in the Rukmu valley on the 16th of December. Knowledge related to the constellations of stars, meanings of various types of rainbows and the study of clouds as well as shadows are all in the wider ambit of Suri Jagaek. The Libra constellation known as Tarazu is considered particularly important during the Spring period coinciding with the month of Amaal Mastruk. When the constellation is observed in its clarity during the month, it is indicative of the ground softening the next morning; a time considered vital for the planting of crops.

Pakistan 2018

Kyrgyz people worshipped natural objects from antiquity, deeming that it is in the nature the visible and invisible worlds may coexist harmoniously. One of such practices is the Obo ceremony. It is a worshipping practice that was spread in a pre-Islamic period, when people equally worshipped the Sun and the Earth. It was understood that the Sun represents the fatherly beginning, and the Earth represents the motherly one. Sacred sites are visited by people, who need to be treated from illnesses, both physical, and spiritual; or those who want to make a prayer in memory of the dead relatives. Other widely spread practices are zikir chaluu and shamanic ritual korum zikir. In addition, other varieties of spiritual practices include talma bii and oiun. Roles of bakhshi (in Turkic tradition) and dubana (Muslim dervishes) are merged in many ways in Kyrgyz practice. Zikir chaluu represents emotional prayer, which is made because of pragmatic reasons, and as a rule, people ask for prosperity, welfare, healing, fertility or peace. Fire purification ceremony sham is performed often along with zikir chaluu during festive rituals as the Kyrgyz believe that the spiritual and visible worlds are unified in the fire.

One of the main meat delicacies is a horse meat sausage called ‘chuchuk’. It was made out of horse intestine stuffed with horse meat and fat. Sheep meat and internal organs were used to make such delicacies as ‘jorgoom’ (made out of sheep lungs and stomach), ‘byzhy’ (a sausage made out of sheep liver, fat and blood) and ‘olobo’, that is sheep lungs filled with milk and boiled in water. Tash kordo is an ancient Kyrgyz dish. Literally, it means “food prepared on hot stones”. The separated and marinated meat is wrapped into the game skin and prepared in a hole in the ground about 1.5 m long and 70 cm wide, with stones at the bottom and sides hanged over the hot ashes.

It is a very old tradition to use the bones of domesticated and wild animals is directly correlated to the cultural and ethical practices of the nomadic Mongolians. Bone crafts have been practiced since the time that the nomads used various parts of their animals, such as ribs, shins, radiuses, pelvises, kneecaps, ankles, nails, teeth, spines, skulls, and chins, as tools. Later, they started using tusks, canines, and horns, particularly those of strong animals, which had symbolic as well as decorative meaning. With the development of bone crafts, various types of bone games have appeared. Ankle bones, for example, are used for a variety of traditional games and toys.

A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. The other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess. The origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced. According to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself. This ICh element is still alive in Ura and Singkhar communities. However, there are some changes: The sang is now prepared and offered by themselves since there are no more highlanders at Pur-shey la, and the other is that, according to tradition, the sang is generally performed on the 8th and 9th day of the lunar month but, the community members decided to either coordinate the festival on 15th day if the time and weather is not favourable.