ALL
nomadic traditions
ICH Elements 9
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Orteke - Kazakh traditional art of music puppetry
Orteke (mountain goat) is the name of an indigenous Kazakh performing art in which flexible wooden figure of a mountain goat is placed on a traditional drum called dauylpaz. Orteke’s originality comes from it being a combination of theater, music, and puppet dance. The figure begins to move from the movement of the filaments attached to the fingers of a musician playing the dombra (Kazakh musical instrument). The expressive puppet figure, called teke (goat), seems to come to life when the master starts playing the drum. The figure makes funny dance movements in time with the rhythm of the music being played. It is also said that the orteke figure once came different shapes and sizes that were created individually, each with a different number of moving limbs, depending on which kyu was performed. Some masters of this genre can be played with two or three or more puppets simultaneously.
Kazakhstan -
Lake Nub Tshona-patra: The Great Lake in the West
Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.
Bhutan -
Gyalyong Goenchey: The Bhutanese National Costume
The national dress for men is Gho and Kira for women. Gho is a one-piece outfit pulled up to knee-length and fastened with a belt called kera at the waist, leading to formation of an enormous pouch across the belly. Men’s belt is a striped hand woven textile using plain cotton or wool on a card loom. It has fringes at both the ends. Kira is a rectangular ankle-length robe wrapped around the body, tied at the waist with a wide woven belt, and fastened at the shoulders by a pair of shoulder brooches called koma. A necklace-like chain called the jabtha holds together the pair of koma. Jabtha also makes an attractive ornament. Women’s kera is made of cotton woven on card looms with intricate silk designs of varying colours. Elderly women wear the broad kera in three folds. The female kera has also fringes at both the ends. The weft thread used is commonly thicker than the base fabric used. Women also wear a toego (short, loose jacket) over the kira. Toego can be made from any kind of material and be in any colour. Women also wear a garment called wonju under the kira. Commonly made from silk or polyester, the wonju is a loose, wrap-over long-sleeved blouse. The semi-nomadic herders of the high valleys of Merak, Sakten and Laya and some other ethnic communities do not traditionally wear the gho and kira. They have a unique dress, lifestyle and language, and their own weaving specialty. In an effort to preserve and promote cultural heritage, all Bhutanese are required to wear the national dress in government offices, schools and on formal occasions. Necklace: Traditionally, a necklace is also a part of the costume of a Bhutanese woman, and a woman who is not wearing a necklace is considered to be incompletely attired. Therefore, women make it a point to wear necklaces, especially during celebrative occasions. When a woman is dressing, she puts on her necklace at the very end, to complete the outfit. Necklaces of precious stones are passed down from mother to daughter. A traditional Bhutanese necklace consists of a string of beads of various stones such as coral, turquoise, onyx, pearl, agate, and many more. The necklace may reach almost to the waist. If the woman is very rich and possesses many precious stones, she will choose to wear more than one necklace at a time. Since public gatherings and celebrative occasions provide formal platforms for display of wealth and/or position in society, women make it a point to wear as much as they possess. Sword For hundreds of years Bhutan suffered from territorial invasion as well as internal strife and civil war, challenges which were countered by our pazaps (militia), and senior officials. In earlier times, those who performed well in battle were awarded a sword in recognition of their show of courage, valour and success. Once the monarchy was established those officials who served the king and the country with utmost dedication and patriotic zeal were awarded pata (sword) and red scarf (bura marp) in recognition of their selfless service. Awarding kabney along with pata is, therefore, the sole prerogative of the monarch. The awardee is then addressed as a ‘Drasho’, which literally means ‘the best’ as they are exemplary people. Therefore, this award symbolises secular responsibility — the preparedness to fight any enemy harming the interest of the Tsa-wa-sum (the king, the country, and the people) and to safeguard the country and its cultural traditions. Kabney When Gautama Buddha administered vinaya rules at the first sermon, the five chief disciples first wore kabney as a mark of respect to the Buddha. Later, when Guru Rinpoche (Guru Padsambhava) visited Bumthang in the 8th century and sowed the seeds of faith in the dharma, he instructed people not to take the lives of others, and gave ge-nyen vows (vow of lay devotee). He instructed his devotees to wear rezen or kabney as a sign of their having become followers of Buddhism or taking precepts. While dharma practitioners wore red coloured kabney as a mark of following the dharma teachings, ordinary people wore white coloured kabney as a mark of safeguarding the country — their secular duty. Today, we wear kabney as a part of our national dress in accordance with the code of driglam namzha. The smaller scarf worn by women is called rachu. Kabney is a large, fringed scarf (about 90 by 300 cm), which is worn with one half placed over the left shoulder and the other half drawn across the back, below the right arm and across the body, then caught in a loop made by folding the lower part of the left end over it and then throwing the left end over the left shoulder. When the kabney is correctly placed, the right side should loop down at equal level to the hem of the gho, and the two sides should come together at the left breast. There is considerable variation in how the kabney is actually worn, but what is written here describes how it should be worn. Bhutanese at all social levels wear kabney as a part of formal wear along with the national dress, gho. Wearing kabney marks respect for sacred objects and higher authorities, and symbolises the position or rank of officers serving in the government. Scarves worn by women in place of the male kabney are called rachu. These much smaller, colourful, decoratively woven scarves can be worn draped over both shoulders with the two fringed edges falling from the chest, or can be folded in half and placed over the left shoulder with the fringes falling from the chest. Women in general wear rachu by making a fold in the centre and placing the rachu over the left shoulder. Besides kabney and rachu, there are other variants used by religious practitioners. Those worn by lams and monks are called zen or rezen and the one worn over their rezen is called choe-gho. The rezen is worn all the time over the robe but the choe-gho is worn only during special religious occasions. Similarly, the one worn by ngagpas (tantric practitioners) is called ber or dagam; and the one used by togdenpas (adepts) is called rey or rekar and khamar. Kabney and rachu are worn to pay respect to sublime masters or leaders, and to sacred objects enshrined in the dzongs, monasteries and temples. They are also worn as a symbol of official position. The colour of the kabney determines the official rank of the bearer. Traditional Boot Bhutan’s traditional footwear is a kind of boot worn as high as the knee, the upper, cloth part of which is then held and tied by a narrow strap below the knee. Dra-lham, thru-lham karchung and tshoglham are three different types of traditional footwear and form an important part of Bhutanese national costume. Dra-lham are worn by the senior monks in the monasteries. They are similar to tshoglham but red in colour. Thru-lham karchung derives its name from the white colour of the ben (section just above the ankle) which is highly visible from a distance. The traditional boot worn by the general public is called tshoglham. The thil or sole of the boot used to be made from hard leather, but these days tshoglham usually have rubber soles. Above the sole, two layers of red and white leather (or rubber) make the drilden. Above the drilden is the ri karchu, on which comes the ben in different colours. The ben, is yellow, orange, red, blue or green according to the official position of the wearer. Yellow ben is reserved only for the king and the head abbot (the Je Khenpo); orange is for ministers, red is for senior officials, blue is for members of parliament (both houses) and green is for the general public. The cloth part above the ben is generally black or blue silk brocade. It is mandatory to wear thru-lham or tshoglham as a part of formal national dress during any formal occasions.
Bhutan -
Mongol Biyelgee, Mongolian traditional folk dance
Mongolian traditional folk dance “Bii Biyelgee” is an outstanding form among traditional performing arts of Mongolia, and unique and distinguished art expression which has embodied and originated from the nomadic living style of Mongols. Bii Biyelgee expresses the customs, traditions and spiritual practices through dancing elements, and its movements are typically confided to small space inside the Nomad’s dwelling-ger. Biyelgee is performed while half sitting or cross-legged sitting, coupled with fist and hand opening and waving, stiff and swift movements of chest and shoulders, shrugging and shaking them, crossing legs, steps and walks, as well as flexible body movements involved in prevalence. In doing so, biyelgee performers imitate the expressions of their lifestyle, household activities, courage, love, prides and livestock to the accompaniment of morin khuur, ikel khuur, tovshuur, tsuur, coupled with ethnic costumes.
Mongolia 2009 -
Gilamchilik (Carpet-weaving)
One of the most labor-intensive artistic crafts in Uzbekistan is carpet-making, the traditions of which go back to the ancient times. Cattle breeder has been rich for wool products and wool of sheep and camel used for carpet-making since olden time. Handmade carpet making is laborious work and it demands from the weaver great effort, taste and skill. In pre-mongolian period carpet items produced by Turkic tribes of Oghuz origin were especially popular. Later, during the epoch of Temurids, it is possible to observe active interaction of Iranian and Turkic carpet-making traditions. However, starting from the XVI century carpet items produced by Uzbeks from Dashti-qipchaq became widespread in Mawarannahr. Carpet items of Uzbekistan, in terms of execution technique, can be divided into long-piled, short-piled and pileless types. Women carpet-makers made various types of carpets. Among them it is possible to mention the following: piled carpets, which were laid under one's feet; panels called "bugdjoma", used for covering beds while moving from one house to another; carpet tapes called "kur" and "baskur", used for fixing framework of a jurt; pileless woolen rugs called "gadjari", "qokhma", "terme", "taqir gilam"; kit bags called "napramach"; saddlebags called "hurdjun", etc. Ornamental design of Uzbek carpet items reflected rich and diverse world of nomadic lifestyle. Their prevailing motifs were of cosmogonic and zoomorphic nature, and were expressed through orderly geometric lines and images.
Uzbekistan -
Mongol Tuuli, Mongolian Epic
Mongol Tuuli is an oral tradition comprising heroic epics that run from hundreds to thousands of lines and combine benedictions, eulogies, spells, idiomatic phrases, fairy tales, myths and folk songs. They are regarded as a living encyclopedia of Mongolian oral traditions and immortalize the heroic history of the Mongols. Epic performers are distinguished by their prodigious memory and skills, combining singing, vocal improvisation and musical composition coupled with theatrical elements. Epic lyrics are performed to musical accompaniment on instruments such as morin khuur and tovshuur. Epics are performed during social and public events, including state affairs, weddings, a child’s first haircut, naadam and worship of sacred sites. Epics evolved over many centuries, and reflect nomadic lifestyles, social behaviors, religion, mentalities and imagination. Epic performers cultivate epic traditions from generation to generation, learning, performing and transmitting techniques within kinship circles, from fathers to sons.
Mongolia 2009 -
Mongolian traditional practices of worshipping the sacred sites
Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.
Mongolia 2017 -
Naadam, Mongolian traditional festival
The Mongolian Naadam is inseparably connected to the nomadic civilization of the Mongols who have practiced pastoralism on Central Asia’s vast steppe for centuries. Mongols’ traditional Naadam festival consisting of three manly games is considered as one of major cultural heritage elements which Mongols contributed to the nomadic civilizations. The three types of sports games – archery, horserace and wrestling – are directly linked with lifestyles and living conditions of Mongols and thus become the authentic cultural traditions among nomads. National Naadam is celebrated from July 11 to 13 throughout the country, in soums (counties), aimags (provinces), and the capital, Ulaanbaatar. Naadam represents distinct features of Mongolians’ nomadic culture and traditions, with expression of their unique cultural characteristics and images to become an identity of Mongolian people to the outside world. Thus, Mongolian Naadam has served a key factor to unite the Mongolian people and an important symbol of national solidarity. Mongolian people develop their physical strength, strong will power, patience, space and time related sensitivity and friendly hospitality from the three manly games which provides the cognitive and moral education basis. Main bearers of this cultural heritage are practitioners of the three games. i.e. those who significant part of the Mongolia population. Currently, over 100,000 people practice the traditional wrestling in various clubs and training courses, in addition to 3,000 students studying in several wrestling universities and colleges. Besides, the home schooling is considered one of most effecient forms, as it is the main traditional method to teach and learn the wrestling. Youths who practice wrestling would develop postive personalities such as being friendly, caring to the elderly and modest, besides strong will power, physical strength and courage. The main bearers of horserace appear racehorse trainers and jokey-children. Nowadays, about 400-500 horserace tournaments take place annually and altogether 200,000 horses (some recounted across tournaments) participate in them. About 100,000 racehorse trainers normally train these horses, while over 70,000 children ride and race. Besides, the audience of those tournaments would reach over 300,000 people. The Mongolian traditional home schooling provides extensive knowledge and skills, traditions and customs, culture and art elements of horserace. Compared to other two forms, relatively fewer people (about 10,000) practice and are interested in archery. Similarly, home schooling methods tend to dominate in learning and transmitting archery that family members and relatives become archers a lot. There are hundreds of thousand artisans and craftmen who make various tools and items used in the three manly games through employing meticulous skills and design to make them as collections of various art pieces. For instance, wrestling outfits – hat, boots and shorts, racehorse saddles and jokey’s outfits, and bows and arrows used in archery competitions have specific traditional technology and techniques each. These three sports games make a core blend of traditional arts and sports. Title-singing of horses and wrestlers indicate musical elements embracing songs and melodies. • Wrestling. After the wrestling site has been chosen based on the quality of the grass and the flatness of the site, the wrestling matches begin. Judges in groups of 8, 16, or 32 are divided into two groups which line up at the right and left side of the wrestling site and the wrestlers are divided into two groups at the left and right wings. To present the wrestler to the audience, judges will hold the participant's hat and sing praise songs while the wrestler performs an eagle dance before assuming the position to begin. Wrestling is not only a display of strength and bravery; it is also a competition of skill and technique. The object of the match is to make one’s competitor to fall on the ground with his elbows, knees or any other part of the body touching the ground, at which point he loses. Wrestlers who lose in each round will get eliminated from the tournament. The number of rounds differs from tournament to tournament. There are often 9 rounds at the national festival which takes place on July 11-12 annually and altogether 512 wrestlers wrestle. A half leaves after each round. From the fifth round, winning wrestlers can earn titles starting from hawk, falcon, elephant, garuda /mythical bird/, and lion, to the coveted champion. Wrestlers are divided into two groups or so-called ‘wings’ that the highest ranking wrestlers are listed at the top depending on their titles, such as first grand champions, then champions, lions, garudas, elephants, hawks, falcons etc. • Horserace. Horse-trainers choose potential race horses among horse flocks and train them meticulously, carefully adjusting their daily training and diet. Horse races are grouped in age-specific categories such as stallions, adults, 4-years old, 3-years old, 2-years old and 1-year old which race in different distance categories from 10 km to 30 km. Race horses have their mane and tails trimmed to improve their appearance while their trainers use specially crafted wooden sticks or a brush to remove the sweat from the horse after the race. These sweat-removing tools are often carved and decorated with traditional patterns and images of horses to symbolize their strength. Young riders wear special clothing including the deel and hat. Typically, children aged 6-10 years old jockey racehorses. When registration of the applicant horses is completed, the race administrator rides around the Naadam site three times, while children riding race horses sing ‘Giingoo’ to raise spirits of horses before racing. The winning horse is given the title of ‘Tumnii ekh’ (the mightiest of all), whereas the last horse in the race is given a nickname ‘Buren jargal’ “complete happiness”. The praise song is performed to congratulate winning horses and is called ‘singing titles’. • Archery. This competition is divided into two categories; Khana sur (big bow) and Khasaa sur (small bow). Men shoot from a distance of 75 meters to the target, and women from 65 meters. The target is called ‘zurkhai’, and is made of leather balls neatly lined along the flat ground in two rows. Each archer shoots 40 arrows and the one who shoots the most targets wins.
Mongolia 2010 -
Cultural space of Boysun District
Cultural space of Baysun was recognized by UNESCO as the “Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity” among the first 19 in 2001. Consequently, in 2008, it was included in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity of the Humanity of UNESCO. Inclusion the space to the List enhanced the opportunity of preservation, documentation and conduct scientific researches of artistic traditions and culture of Baysun district. It is a world bringing together settled and nomadic traditions, Turkic and eastern Iranian peoples. The traditional culture of Baysun, besides Islam, has its roots in ancient cults and faiths. In its folklore one can see traditions with elements of Zoroastrianism and Buddhism, animism and ancestors worship. Grazing patterns have not changed in a thousand years. Livestock are still the main measure of wealth, and gardening is a male tradition. Hand spinning wheels, graters, tandirs, water mills, and blacksmiths using bellows all still exist. National clothes are made, such as doppi and chapans and head scarves for men and women, using craft traditions and local ornamental decorations dating from the tenth and eleventh centuries. Old customs and rituals govern life from birth to death. There is much historical heritage and native wisdom in them.
Uzbekistan 2008