ALL
polo
ICH Elements 9
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Meshrep
Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.
China 2010 -
Hezhen Yimakan storytelling
The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.
China 2011 -
Ie Samoa, fine mat and its cultural value
The 'ie Samoa is a special finely hand-woven mat that is fastened at the hem with 2 rows of green and red feathers on each end, and a loose fringe on one end. Traditionally woven with fine strippings of the pandanus plant, the final product is silk-like in nature. Its shiny coppery color adds to its value as it is a testament to its age and the natural bleaching process it undergoes from the sun and seawater. The length of 'ie Samoa is traditionally 12x9 aga or handspans of the weaver. This demonstrates its high level of intricacy as each woven strand measures as little as one milimeter in width. Therefore, the production of a single 'ie Samoa can take up to several months and even years depending on the length of the fine mat. Nevertheless, the 'ie Samoa is more than a cultural product of exceptional skills, its true value is demonstrated in its use as an exchange valuable in traditional ceremonies and rituals that serve to reaffirm kinship ties and strengthen community wellbeing. More colloquially known as 'ie toga, the 'ie Samoa is displayed and exchanged at festive celebrations or important gatherings such as weddings, funerals, or religious ordinations. The giving and receiving of the 'ie Samoa contributes profoundly to the maintenance of social structure and is an integral part of the Samoan culture. As objects of the highest cultural value, this traditional art form lies at the foundation of Samoa's rich intangible cultural heritage.
Samoa 2019 -
Traditional technique of making Airag in Khokhuur and its associated customs
Airag is the fermented beverage from mare’s milk. This element includes a traditional method of making airag, its related equipment and objects such as khokhuur (cowhide vessel), buluur (paddle) and khovoo (kibble), and associated therewith social customs and rituals. The milking season for horses runs from mid June to early October. Daily milk yield of mares varies from 3 to 6 liters. The basic technique of making airag consists of milking mares and cooling fresh milked milk, and repeatedly churning milk in a khokhuur with starter left inside to assist its fermentation. The liquid must be churned 5000 and more times to make good fermented blend of airag. Mare’s milk undergoes fermentation by lactobacilli and lactic acid streptococci, producing ethanol, lactic acids and carbon dioxide. The airag - mildly alcoholic white beverage emits a delicious smell and its pleasant taste can make your mouth watery. For making the khokhuur, first, the cowhide is soaked and hide’s filament is removed, then it is dehydrated in the wind and fumigated. In such process, the cowhide turns to a white flexible leather. The khokhuur is made from this white leather and consists of mouth neck, corner, body and cords. The buluur is long-handled wooden paddle which is used for churning airag in khokhuur and furnished with bored blade of board at the end. Khokhuur can hold 40 to 100 liters of airag. Airag is used and served as a main and holy drink during various fests and in making offerings and ritual blessings.
Mongolia 2019 -
Bumthang Yathra: Woolen textile of Bumthang
Yathra weaving is found in six gewogs (Chungphel, Zhurey, Kertsho, Bhim, Terzoe and Yeerangbi) in Chummey village. The raw material or fabric for Bumthap Yathra is traditionally sheep wool and yak hair. However, the importation of raw material from India is a result of the decline in sheep population. In addition, wool from Bhutan was considered to be of higher quality, but the prices are unusually high. For this reason, Indian wool is now in demand because of its cheaper price. The cheapest made-up and bleached wool costs Nu 300 per kg in India, while the highest quality wool costs Nu 1,200 per kg. To keep production costs low, Yathra manufacturers rely on imported wool. Yathra factory owners receive between Nu 10,000 and Nu 15,000 for weaving 15 pieces of yathra. People in Bumthang are forced to use yathra as bedding, raincoats, and jackets due to the long, bitter winters in the region. Likewise, yathra is one of the most sought-after commodities in the local handicraft industry, as yathra can be hand-woven as jackets and floor coverings because it is warm. Recently, Yathra products are becoming popular worldwide through Bhutan's digital fashion site such as Bhutan Street Fashion. In addition, Yathra coats and other pieces of fabric made from Yathra are used as costumes in fashion events because of their intricate patterns. The global and local levels of the economy are interdependent, with the lives of locals of Chummey village, known for Bumthap Yathra, being improved by international tourists buying Yathra as souvenirs and fashion items despite its high price. The economic activity of Bhutanese goods like Yathra locally and globally leads to a financial landscape where money flows across borders and generates revenue for the country.
Bhutan -
Udumvara: The Sacred Plant of Yangthang Monastery, Haa
"Udumvara/Udumbara" is a Sanskrit word meaning an auspicious flower of the sky. This type of flower is believed to bloom only once in 3000 years. In the Mahayana Buddhist scriptures (Arts, 2011), it is said that "Udumbara is the product of unwholesome and supernatural phenomena; it is a heavenly flower and does not exist in the mundane world." According to the Monlam dictionary, "In Tibetan, it is called Phag-chog or Tsher-zag. There is also a plant called Dud-jom-shing, which bears a flower that is unique and is called Udumvara because of its rarity in the world. Udumvara exists only when there is a living Buddha in the world. It has attractive colors and a sweet aroma that can spread over a large area. The plant is known for treating eye diseases, phytic abnormalities and is also known for other medicinal properties. Whether the flower is a specimen of its kind or an unknown plant, I have heard a few times that this plant grows in the Yangthang Goenpa area. There are various online sources or books written about the properties of Udumvara, one of the authors has the following to say about Udumvara; "Udumbara flowers are tiny white tulip-shaped flowers that grow on a white thread-like stem. The flowers have no leaves or roots and grow on anything" (Haddock, 2018). On the other hand, the udumvara growing in front of Yangthang Goenpa is different from the one in the online sources or images available online. The Udumvara seen at Yangthang Goenpa has a green color and my interviewees said that until today, no one is able to identify the species of this plant. Perhaps the plant was named by Drubthop itself because it is a very rare species of its kind. It was in 2015 when the plant bloomed in June just before His Majesty's visit to Yangthang Goenpa. Everyone was amazed when the five petals of this plant opened. According to Lopen Tshering Wangchuk, who has been in charge of the Goenpa for four years, he did not observe the plant's blooming. However, he believes that the plant blooms once a year, on the 15th day of the 4th month in the Bhutanese calendar. So far, propagation of the plant has been unsuccessful. Currently, the plant is well protected and surrounded by a tall structure to prevent visitors from stealing or touching it. He has heard from previous caretakers that the flower resembles a peony. The literature states that peony consists of 33 species, including annuals and perennials, all native to Central and East Asia, including eastern Tibet. The first indication is that Udumvara came to Yangthang Goenpa via Tibet. The Yangthang Zabdon Chholing Goenpa or Lhakhang is located at an altitude of 2920 meters above sea level and was founded by Lam Thinley Gyatsho, a follower of Lama Drakpa Gyatsho's disciple Lam Choeying Gyatsho, in the 17th century5. The Yangthang Goenpa has important cultural and religious significance not only for the Yangthang community, but for all Haaps in general. The Goenpa was rebuilt in 2012 under His Majesty's command after being damaged by an earthquake in 2011. All sacred artifacts are restored inside the Goenpa. The Goenpa consists of a two-story building; the top floor houses the Choe-long Trul-sum Lhakhang and the Lami Lhakhang, and the first floor is dedicated to the Chenrezig Lhakhang6. The inauguration of the Goenpa was performed by His Majesty and Gyaltsuen, led by His Eminence Dorji Lopon Kinley (also known as Sonam Jamtsho) from Zhung Dratshang. During this time, hundreds of people gathered and presented various cultural programs. His Majesty offered prayers for the safety and happiness of the country and its people. According to local oral sources, around the 15th century, a Tibetan saint named Drupthob Dondup was on a pilgrimage and took the seed of the plant Udumvara during his lifelong pilgrimage. According to an oral account, "he promised to sow the seed wherever he finished his journey. However, it was believed that he ended his lifelong pilgrimage at Yangthang Goenpa. He sowed the seed of Udumvara in front of the Lhakhang and also left behind a Tashigomang; (auspicious multiple doors). The Tashigomang is shown or displayed to the public only during a specific event. Such significance of the Goenpa attracts not only the locals but also visitors from other Dzongkhags. When tourists visit the Goenpa, they primarily ask about the Udumvara plant. On important occasions and events, many people come to receive offerings and blessings.
Bhutan -
Serga Mathang and Khothkin: Cross-cousin Marriage.
In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.
Bhutan -
Camel race
Except using camels for riding and pulling carts, Mongols have a tradition to race them. The camel race is organized during the feast that celebrated when the number of camels increased to thousands or celebrating the products from the camel and during other celebrations. The camel breeders mostly race gelding and yearling camels. The yearling camel’s race within around eight kilometres and the gelding-camels around ten kilometres. In recent years Gobi aimags, the main land of camel flocks, have revived the ancient traditional game with camels as camel (buluu) polo. This is an indigenous cultural phenomenon which considered as a contribution to the development of tourist attraction during winter times.
Mongolia -
CHAVGONBOZI, guybozi
Polo game. A kind of traditional team sport with a ball, in which participants played on horseback and move the ball down the field with a special stick. The aim of the game is to hit the opponent's greatest number of times.
Tajikistan