| Description |
In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships.
Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values.
Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.
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| Social and cultural significance |
While there are a number of benefits to cousin endogamy, the concept of “bone” appears to be the prominent reason for preferring Serga Mathang and Khothkin marriage custom. This bone-based lineage is identical to the blood-based lineage. Marriages between people who share the same "bones" are said to guarantee the lineage's purity. Families are classified according to their "bone quality". If a family's members are well-known for having strong bones, that family is said to have good lineage. Tradition among the Tsangla people holds that some people have good bones and will not marry those who are of lower caste. For instance, Dorji (2003) mentions some categories that ambiguously distinguished them were Bagi khang (forehead bone), Dhon khang (banshee bone), Nonshing khang (Langur bone), and Rolong khang (zombie bone). Dhon khang women are reputed to be exceptionally attractive. The statement, "even though my bone is not identical to yours, my beauty can make me equal to you," reveals an egotist notion of their exceptional loveliness. When a gorgeous woman is unable to wed a man from a higher social class, she will utilize this term. Moreover, these consanguineous marriage customs ensure the wealth of the two families of the same lineage will remain intact instead of dividing the wealth and assets out to expanding families. Additionally, cross cousins are perceived as socially and physically closer than non-cousins, especially spouses from isolated areas, which pushes people to favor endogamy marriages. The cross-cousins have been able to communicate since they were little, so they are well acquainted. Most importantly, people's emotional lives and cultural experiences are enriched by a cross-cousin marriage. It strengthens the friendly ties that already exist between a sister's and brother's families. Given that they are children of the same parents and "share the same blood and bone," a cross cousins may have an emotional connection to one another. |
| Transmission method |
The marriage ceremony is conducted without many formal rituals or ceremonies, unlike exogamous marriages. The wedding ceremony is only followed by a drink exchange and dance. In order to ensure a long-lasting marriage, two parties will occasionally sign a legal agreement (genja). Though the tradition provides an overall sense of social, economic, and familial support for the couple, modern legal and medical frameworks have led to a decline in practice. |
| Community |
Cross cousin marriage was widely practiced among Tsangla/Sharchops speaking communities. According to Dorji (2003), the possible origins of Sergamathang and Khothkin marriage customs, the Tsangla people consider themselves to be the descendants of Tibetan King Thrisong Detsen’s son, prince Tsangma, who governed six reigning clans. For that reason, this particular marriage custom is thought to have started among these clans in order to preserve and propagate their lineages. Furthermore, geographical isolation between communities may have fostered the growth of the endogamy custom. Additionally, different types of noble families, including the dung, ponpo, koche, and choje, once regarded the ordinary people as inferior in terms of social status, economic standing, and religious beliefs. There were very few marriages between them and ordinary people. In order to preserve the nobility of their ancestry, the noble families married among themselves. Therefore, the tradition of Serga Mathang and Khothkin marriage may have originated in these elite families.
Data contributed by: Miss Jamyang Choden, 2nd year BA Anthropology student, Royal Thimphu College. |
