In Eastern Bhutan, the Tsangla (Eastern Bhutanese dialect) term Serga Mathang and Khothkin which directly translates to “golden cousins” refers to consanguineous marriage with the child of a parent’s sibling. The name serga mathang uses a metaphor for cross-cousin marriage tradition gold (ser) to suggests that marrying into a consanguineous family is similar to amassing a significant amount of money. In Tsangla kinship terminologies, Mathang denotes a female cross-cousin while Khothkin denotes a male cross-cousin. On a related note, we should be aware that in Tsangla kinship terminologies, the terms Mathang and Kothkin are used to refer to one's brother's wife and sister's husband, respectively, even though they are not blood relatives. However, the absence of the prefix serga, golden, indicates that these terms are used for non-cousin relationships. There are three types of cross-cousin marriage in the Eastern districts of Bhutan. A man marries the daughter of his mother's brother (ajang) in a matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. In a patrilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries the daughter of his father's sister (ani). In a bilateral cross-cousin marriage, a man marries a woman who is also the daughter of his father's sister and mother's brother. As per the research done by Dorji (2003), The mother’s brother is known in the Tshangla society as Ajang ngama rinpoche, which translates to "precious maternal uncle," and his nephews (tshowo) are expected to appease him by carrying out his wishes, which are typically fulfilled by marrying his daughters. According to social custom, nephew marriages cannot go against the wishes of their maternal uncles, who are given the same respect as the couple's biological parents. Matrilocal residence laws frequently compel men to move to their uncle’s house to become the husband of the uncle’s daughter. If nephews happen to marry outsiders, this custom physically separates them from maternal uncles, depriving them of the respect and assistance they would typically receive from their nearby nephews. For that reason, it is believed that the Ajang (uncle) encourages marriages among family members. The social obligation that maternal uncles have toward their nephews fosters their mutually emotional bonds, which may account for the frequency of matrilateral cross-kin partnerships. Unlike exogamous marriage ceremonies, a cross-cousin marriage ceremony typically does not include an elaborate or formal process, the consanguineous couple simply elopes. The prevalence of informal pre-elopement interactions for cross-cousin couples, as well as social values associated with cross-cousin marriage typically results in a union that is approved by the parents. To understand the concept of pre-elopement, he idea of Chungnyen (childhood engagement) is when both sets of parents make a vow to support marriage between their children in the future in order to preserve the wealth between the two close families. Moreover, some parents would negotiate cross-cousin weddings without official demands for bridegroom payment, while others may not even arrange marriage ceremonies. Historically, cross-cousin marriages were typically permitted by the parents because of the associated social values. Despite the fact that this marriage custom predominated in the past, it is largely on the decline because of globalization. Modern legal rules start to question the taboo nature of such marriages as potential incest. Moreover, medical and educational sectors led to a diminishing of cross-cousin marriage customs in Bhutan because it is believed that a cross-cousin union enhances the likelihood that undesirable genes will be manifest in the offspring. A child’s defects in phenotypic traits are the result of a mix of potentially harmful genes received from married cousins. An offspring of married cousins may exhibit positive qualities and good health due to the pairing of favorable genes, but not to the same extent as those of unrelated spouses.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.