ALL
rural areas
ICH Elements 53
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Traditional skills of carpet weaving in Fars
Carpet weaving is one of the world's most traditional, conceptual, applied arts. Iranians enjoy a global reputation in carpet weaving and its skills; and carpets of Fars with nomadic and rural characteristics constitute a genuine example. Historically, carpet weaving in Fars province dates back to the seventh century(AH). Carpets of Fars are known as either «Qashqai» or «Khamseh Tribes» carpets. These are the nomads moving between Esfahan and Persian Gulf coasts. Among the tribes of Qashqais, the more prominent are Darre-Shuri, Kashkuli-ye Bozorg, Kashkoli-ye Kuchak, Shesh-Boluki, and Gharache. Due to the immigration requirements, the size of nomadic rugs is usually small; they are, however, beautiful. The stages of Carpet Weaving in Fars Province - Wool cutting The carpets usually utilize wool as the basic material. The men cut the wool of their sheep, skillfully, in spring or autumn. The quality of the wool on each of the eleven sections of the sheep body, and the related colors are different. - Frame(loom) Making The portable frame of nomadic carpets is rectangle in shape, with a metal or wood support; it is placed on the ground. The act of knitting is performed on it. The men construct the frame, too. - Weaving The women convert the wool into strings on spinning wheels or weaving machines. They, masterfully, take care to obtain the best qualities. The spinning wheel is a wooden tool that resembles a big spin; the wool is turned around it from the hand of the knitter, then weaved. The spindle wheel is a wooden structure with the wool being placed in its middle to turn into strings when the wheel turns. - Painting Colors are mainly natural; the main colors are laquer, painted blue, dark blue, brown and white. The plants from whichthe colors are extracted include Madder, Indigo, lettuce leaf, walnut skin, Jashyr, cherry stem and skin of pomegranate. The pigments, so called, Dandane, are elements which allow color stabilization and imprint on the fibers; the most important modants include Alum (Double Aluminum Sulfate), Green Vitriol (Cut Blue), Double Copper Sulfate, Black Vitriol (Double Iron Sulfate). - Knitting While knitting, the women tie the colored strings on the wool web to cover the frame and give shape to the carpet. Two types of ties are common: The ""Persian tie"", an assymetric tie, usually used in places where Persian Language is spoken, where it is referred to as, so called, Farsi-Baf (done in the Persian style), and the Turkish tie, a symmetric tie, in that the two webs are of the same size and the tie is made in the middle; this second tie is more popular in places where Turkish is in use, so the name Torki-Baf (done in the Turkish style). - Completion Completion refers to the activities done for final furnishing. These include sewing the sides (so called, Dowrduzi: Some products will be sewn on the sides to be used as bags, called ""khorjin's"" or ""chante's"" on the region); burning the extra wool to make the designs vivid and enhance the quality of the product (so called, Porzsuzi); double tied roots, and final cleaning. Nomadic Gilims Wraps of Fars are not painted with painted woofs; both sides of the product can be used. Limited materials have led these products to be more geometric in both texture and margin, mirroring the local culture of the community. The most important characteristic of Fars carpet weaving is the unique method of weaving without any maps. One weaver will not be able to weave two carpets of the same design, especially, if she does not enough time to consider the details. Fars carpets include the following types: Simple Gilim(one sided or two sided): A carpet made through passing the colored wool strings, called ""Pud's"" between the vertical strings, called ""Taar's"", without maps. Rug: A carpet with thinner ""Pud's"" and thicker ""Taar's"". The product is thicker in diameter, compared to Gilim's, and is one-sided. Ghaaliche: A rug of smaller dimensions (measuring to less than three square meters). Jaajim: A product of woolen ""Taar's"" and ""Pud's"", with simple and attractive designs, and a variety of usages, including those of carpets, beds, pillows, etc. Gilim-e Naghsh-barjaste(Goljajimi Gilim): A one sided gilom with its main motifs embossed. Somak (Rendy): A one-sided Gilim, out of which ""Ghali's"" (rugs) are believed to have been evolved. Shishe Derme: A Gilim with a simple pattern; it has no knots and naps, is two sided in a way that the mirror patterns of its face are weaved on its back side. Gabbe: A gross nomadic carpet, vastly verified, and done without any map. There are both colored Gabbe's, and Gabbe's of natural colors. So called, ""Shiri"" Gabbe's of Fars mark nomadic courage for the owner.
Iran 2010 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Meshrep
Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.
China 2010 -
Traditional knot-work
The immense needlework repertory of Mongolian artisans also includes various types of knots. Crafts that include knots include those made from leather, hide, thread, rope, and other similar materials. The knots typically have their own names used in particular types of creations. For instance, a knot called sampin is used on hats and deels (traditional garment) as a tip and button, while tsakhildgan suljee, khurgan chikh, gurvaljin zangilgaa, and aman khüzüü knots are used to decorate a variety of household and clothing accessories. The knot called khurgan süljee decorates various tools used by the nomads, including the bridle, halter, saddle, and the braided straps used as a tether and hobble.
Mongolia -
Mongol Hat
Hat is a primary representation of one’s social status and is the most respected of the traditional clothing items. The toortsog, loovuuz, and four-lugged shovgor hats are a few of the more than 200 different kinds of hats used by the Mongolians in accordance with various customs. Hats are classified by the season as well as the wearer's age and gender. And hats are also classified by the shape and design of their top, such as the "skullcap,” "helmet,” and "flag.” Generally, the Mongolian hat has a pointed or domed top with red tassels, and a downward line of stitches resembling rays of the sun, which can vary in number and other features by ethnic group. The hat symbolizes eternal prosperity of Mongolia in the world. Various furs and skins are sometimes attached to different parts of Mongolian hats depending on their purpose and style.
Mongolia -
Kazakh traditional art of Dombra Kuy
Traditional Kazakh dombra kuy (kaz 'kuy') - instrumental play performed on dombra - a traditional pear-shaped musical instrument with two strings and a long neck. The true meaning of kuy execution dates back to the sacred relationship with the Creator and the desire to establish the internal harmony of the individual. Kazakhs say 'Kuy - Tanyrdyn sybyry' ('Kuy - a whisper of Tengri'). Dombra had been hung on the wall of each nomad house (yurta) for the play before guests and home owners. The art of DombraKuy refers to a short solo composition performed on a traditional pear-shaped, long-necked, two-stringed, plucked musical instrument known as a dombra. The music aims to connect people to their historic roots and traditions through classical and improvised pieces that engage the audience at a spiritual and emotional level. Public engagement in the performance serves as one of the most important means of social communication between people and contributes to the transfer of knowledge and skills related to Kazakh culture. The music is usually accompanied by narrated stories and legends. It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, holidays and festive celebrations, amid a rich variety of food and musical entertainment. It serves as a vital social and cultural experience, strengthening people’s identity and promoting solidarity and mutual understanding in society. Aspiring and talented musicians are apprenticed to masters from the moment a child demonstrates an interest in the philosophy and virtuosity of traditional music and performance. Amateur musicians then apprentice themselves to other more experienced and talented performers from their region to increase their skills and repertoire.
Kazakhstan 2014 -
Coaxing ritual for camels
The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.
Mongolia 2015 -
Farmers’ dance of China’s Korean ethnic group
Farmers’ dance of China’s Korean ethnic group is a performing art danced at seasonal rites and festivals. It is one of the most representative artistic performances of the Korean ethnic group. It is also a symbolic artistic form showing nationality identity. The team leader waves a flag reading “farming, the root of the world”. Players with musical instruments of suona horns, small gongs, bell-shaped gongs, long drums, round drums and hand drums will play the instruments while dancing. They are accompanied by masked or unmasked farcical clowning dancers. Farmers’ dance is usually acted out in villages and fields. Farmers’ dance is closely associated with farming sacrifice ceremony. Before acting out the dance, players will hold a ceremony treading God of Land and sacrificing, to show respect to nature and pray for happiness and luck. Since it is generated in farming activities, farmers’ dance imitates manual labor with shrugging acts and walking field ridges. Farmers’ dance is widely known in the Korean ethnic group. People largely learn basic dancing skills through family influences and neighborhood exchanges. But to master superb dancing skills and music performances, players have to formally acknowledge seniors as teachers. Farmers’ dance art has been inherited under the mouth-heart teaching method. Players of lofty skills are highly respected and enjoy unusual prestige in communities. This plays a crucial role in passing along the art for generations. To date, people of Korean nationality in Wangqing County, Antu County, Helong City, Longjing City, Huichun City, Tumen City and Yanji City under Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture, Wangqing County Farmers’ Dance Protection Development Association, China Korean Nationality Folk Protection Development Association, and 52 spreaders like Jin Mingchun are committing themselves to protecting and passing on farmers’ dance. The art has been handed down for six generations. Players spread from farmers to people of all walks in cities, enterprises and schools. Starting from the Korean Peninsula, farmers’ dance was introduced to China by Korean immigrants at the end of the 19th century. It has been innovated and improved in new environments by means of integrating agricultural production in high latitude areas and multi-ethnic group customs. Influenced by Han ethnic culture, “elephant caps” replace previous black cloth with red silk fabrics. Clustered waving belt is processed into two layers from the original single layer. “Elephant caps” are developed from original two varieties to current short, medium and long ones. Long “elephant cap” color belt is continually extended to amount to maximum 28 meters. Tossing “elephant cap” develops from “flat tossing” and “left-to-right tossing” to “vertical tossing” and “shaking dews”. Players also create “crossing circle skill” and “three-color-belt tossing skill”. As regards music, original four musical instruments are expanded to collaboration of wind instruments and stringed instruments. Women are admitted to play musical instruments, compared with previous whole-colored men players. All these contribute to cultivate Korean ethnic farmers’ dance of striking Chinese characteristics. Farmers’ dance is a product of arduous labor and wisdom of the Korean ethnic group over a long period of time. People of the Korean ethnic communities have realized it is their historic duty to carry forward farmers’ dance. So far, farmers’ dance groups of various sizes have spread all over villages of Korean ethnic groups. Most residential quarters and schools in Yanbian prefecture have also set up all sorts of farmers’ dance performance teams. Farmers’ dance teams, traditionally of 30 people each, will act on folk-custom festivals. One site will accommodate a number of teams at the same time. Farmers’ dance music, dance skills and players have been collected in Complete Works of China Folk Dance. Piao Yongguang, a famous scholar, has bought farmers’ dance into History of Korean Dance, furnishing theoretical basis for studying Korean history and ethnic features.
China 2009 -
Melodies concerning the tradition of hunting
This is a complex of rite to use the benefits from the hunting properly in the daily life and social needs, and the tradition to protect the wild animals. Within the long periods of history these melodies concerning the tradition of hunting has created and developed. There is a tradition that hunters from Khangai, Khentii and Khüvsgül mountain ranges hunt deer during their mating season by calling them with similar sounds made from uram (wooden instrument for calling deer). Around the Altai and Gobi-Altai mountain ranges, the argali (wild sheep) and ugalz (ibex) are also hunted during their mating season by hunters calling them imitating the same sound as the one made from their colliding with each other. Other than these, there are unique hunting methods to call by imitating the howling to hunt for wolves, making a sound by shovshuur (instrument to call foxes) to hunt for foxes and whistling to hunt for chipmunks.
Mongolia -
Mongol garment
Mongol deel is a long gown with diagonal or square lapels that can be affixed on both sides. It is the main costume of the Mongol nations and it has lost neither its fundamental design nor style even after centuries of use. The ancientness of the design of the deel is suggested by the appearance of pre-historic people wearing sheep skin coats in ancient petroglyphs. The deel has developed to be compatible with the health, physiological characteristics, and daily life of the pastoral nomads of Mongolia. This garment is also uniquely suited to the harsh weather condition to which the Mongolian lifestyle has adapted. The accessories to the deel also serve many purposes: the long cuff at the end of the sleeves can be used as a glove or liner and the wide belt worn with the deel is designed for protection against kidney disease and back aches, while also serving as a blanket or pillow on long journeys.
Mongolia -
Chapei Dang Veng
Chapei Dang Veng (hereafter Chapei) is a popular musical tradition found in Cambodian society. The singing of Chapei is accompanied by a long necked lute Chapei from which the tradition takes its name. Chapei is closely interwoven with the life, traditional customs and beliefs of the Cambodian people. The instrument itself is used in two eminent ancient ensembles,'Pleng Araek' (Spirit Music) and 'Pleng Kar Boran' (Traditional Wedding Music) both of which are endangered forms themselves. Chapei performers are generally male, although there are no restrictions regarding gender or social class. Chapei players are not only musically adept, but also witty, intelligent, and quick to adapt and improvise. They should be well-versed in language, literature, and poetry, and a good story teller. From 1975 to 1979, the Khmer Rouge regime systematically annihilated and destroyed any form of intellectual activity including traditional arts. As a result many traditions such as Chapei disappeared from the scene together with the people performing them. Only two grand masters of Chapei survived this gruesome period and together with some other masters and their students are trying to revive the art form today.
Cambodia 2016 -
Mongolian traditional art of Khöömei
The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.
Mongolia 2010