Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”

South Korea 2009

Kyrgyz people worshipped natural objects from antiquity, deeming that it is in the nature the visible and invisible worlds may coexist harmoniously. One of such practices is the Obo ceremony. It is a worshipping practice that was spread in a pre-Islamic period, when people equally worshipped the Sun and the Earth. It was understood that the Sun represents the fatherly beginning, and the Earth represents the motherly one. Sacred sites are visited by people, who need to be treated from illnesses, both physical, and spiritual; or those who want to make a prayer in memory of the dead relatives. Other widely spread practices are zikir chaluu and shamanic ritual korum zikir. In addition, other varieties of spiritual practices include talma bii and oiun. Roles of bakhshi (in Turkic tradition) and dubana (Muslim dervishes) are merged in many ways in Kyrgyz practice. Zikir chaluu represents emotional prayer, which is made because of pragmatic reasons, and as a rule, people ask for prosperity, welfare, healing, fertility or peace. Fire purification ceremony sham is performed often along with zikir chaluu during festive rituals as the Kyrgyz believe that the spiritual and visible worlds are unified in the fire.

Trần Thương Temple Festival commemorates the death anniversary of Saint Trần Hưng Đạo, a national hero.This is a cultural event held in the community to verenate and honor sacred and real figures in the national history like Saint Trần Hưng Đạo. He is a national hero who defeated foreign invaders then was considered as a Saint to support communities to have a prosperous and happy life. Trần Thương Temple Festival is famous for its typical ceremonies like water procession, palanquin procession, food delivery. Especially, there are performances of spirit mediumship with some shamanism practices in Trần Thương Temple Festival.

A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. The other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess. The origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced. According to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself. This ICh element is still alive in Ura and Singkhar communities. However, there are some changes: The sang is now prepared and offered by themselves since there are no more highlanders at Pur-shey la, and the other is that, according to tradition, the sang is generally performed on the 8th and 9th day of the lunar month but, the community members decided to either coordinate the festival on 15th day if the time and weather is not favourable.

The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.

Beyond the daily harmonic life of the Lhop’s society, there lies an undisputed belief and idea on birth and death. Lhops have their own ways of interpreting the physiological and morphological processes of birth, growth, aging and death as it unfolds to them. As the child grows, she or he crosses different stages with status and roles and responsibilities in the community. They get educated in life skills and rituals of life. Their departure or separation is also honored with elaborate rituals. It is considered as a taboo for Lhops to accept a child from a female who has no approved partner in the community or outside mates from the community. Ideally, it is the cross-cousins only who can give birth to a legitimate child in the society, though marriages between different clans are now accepted. However, marrying out of the community continues to be strongly discouraged. From the moment cross-cousins partners are born in the family, their marital and issues are thereon legitimate in the community, and so is their new born child. Lhops has well and predetermined destined relationships when it comes to the copulation between male and female. Lhops believe that the copulation between male and female produces a child in which male contributes bone and female contributes flesh, but it does not mean that any male can impregnate a female, and be the father or husband of someone else. Cross cousins are referred to as Lhir-ra and Lhi-met, laterally meaning male and female seedling (Lhi- seedling, met- female, ra-male). They believe that the human body as a combination of flesh (sa) and bone (ruish).They believe that the male is like that of a seed (lhi) and rain (wai), while the female is like that of land or soil (boh) that holds the seed and rain water together to allow germination and growth, so as in the combination of bone from a male, and flesh from the female, that give rise to an individual. Cross cousins undergo an educational process of identifying their mates and their families. They slowly start to develop a mindset and behavior towards their growing age and body. Once they reach a mature age, they are encouraged to execute the marital rules and take up roles in the community. Male partners take residence in the wife’s households, and it is a matter of pride for the female to conceive and have him in her house.

Suyunchu Suyunchu is a tradition of sharing good news. When baby is born one of the family members shares this news with other relatives. The one who communicates good news receives a gift for sharing good news. When seeing a baby for the first time, the family members also give korunduk, a gift for seeing a baby. At koiuu A ritual of naming a baby is called At koiuu in Kyrgyz. Usually, it is not the baby’s parents but paternal grandparents who get to give a name to the baby. Sometimes, this right is given to the most respect person in the community or to one who has seen the baby first. Kyrgyz people believe that name is very important and can influence the person’s destiny. When selecting a name for the infant, elders look carefully at the baby and try to pick the name that suits the baby best. Beshikke saluu A ritual of placing a baby into a cradle called Beshikke saluu is one of the major rituals followed by a feast. On a seventh day after a baby’s birth when baby’s belly button is healed, a baby is placed in a cradle. Cradle is very convenient for taking care of a baby, feeding and putting baby to sleep. According to Kyrgyz traditions, a maternal grandmother of the baby brings a cradle. All relatives, neighbors and friends are invited to a feast. Jentek toi After some time after baby’s birth, family makes a feast for relatives and neighbors. This fest is called Jentek toi. Those who come to Jentek toi give blessings to the baby and the family. Often times a sheep or a larger domestic animal is slaughtered for the feast. The clean bones of a sacrificed animal are buried in the ground. It is considered to be a sacrifice for Umai ene, the protector of women and infants. Kyrkyn chygaruu Kyrgyz people mark the 40th day after the birth of a baby - Kyrkyn chygaruu. To perform this ritual, the women take forty spoonful of water and dissolve some salt in it. Salt is beneficial for baby’s body and washes off various things. The baby’s hair is cut and is buried at a place where people do not step on. While conducting the ritual, elderly women are invited to give blessings to the newborn. Then, a first shirt is quilted for a baby from 40 pieces of fabric. The shirt is put on inside out. It is the maternal grandparents who conduct this ritual for a baby. The person who cuts the hair must be a respected person in a community. As a sign of gratitude, baby’s parent give that person a gift such as a sheep or its equivalent. Tushoo kesuu This ritual is dedicated to the first steps made by a baby. For this ritual, elders prepare a special rope made out of white and black wool. The baby’s ankles are tied with this rope. Tushoo kesuu means cutting those ropes. The combination of black and white symbolize the struggle of two eternal energies of light and darkness, good and evil. Then, young boys from the neighborhood are gathered for a race. They are put in some distance from a baby and race towards him. The one who comes first to the baby cuts the rope on baby’s ankles. The winner and the person who came second take the baby by hands and help him or her walk. According to Kyrgyz beliefs, this ritual will help the baby to walk his or her path in this life well.

The 600-year-old Serlung Pelkar Chhoeling Monastery in Dawakha, Paro was founded by Drupthop Thangthong Gyalpo (1361-1485) when he built iron bridges for the people in this area. In the meantime, the people living in a place high up on the mountain had to deal with strong winds and storms that caused harm to the people and destroyed crops. The people blamed the infamous lakes in the area. There were two lakes, Yum and Syem (Mother and Daughter), which were believed to be the cause of all the destruction inflicted on the people. In Bhutan, the Bhutanese believe that all living things, including nature, have spirits and are alive within them. For example, the mountains in Bhutan are believed to be the abode of mountain gods, or at least to house spirits. Therefore, people decided to drive away the destructive spirits of the lakes by throwing the dead bodies of people and animals into the lake. The mother lake left its present location for the Dagala region and became known as Dagala Yumtsho, while the daughter lake did not make it further than present-day Selung Goemba. She had problems with her leg. You can still see the remains of the lakes where they rested. The mother advised the daughter to stay in this place and serve as the protector of the Dharma of Drupthop Thangtong Gyalpo in Selung Goemba, and left her her revered Sergi Alung (hook), making the place known as Serlung Goemba. The people of this place considered it auspicious that a lake had formed near a monastery founded by the famous Drupthop Thangtong Gyalpo. The villagers believed that the lake would eliminate famine and bring prosperity to the village, and held a festive sacrifice to ask the spirit of the lake to bless them with protection. The ritual takes place in Selung Goemba once every three years. There is no specific day or month set for its performance, but depends mainly on the availability of the Pawo. The Goemba is a common religious place of worship for the people of Khamdi and Sali and some other neighboring villages.

Taking place from January 18 to 21, Ngũ hành Goddess's Birthday Festival - 5 blessed gods (Kim Đức Thánh Concubine, Mộc Đức Thánh Concubine, Thủy Đức Thánh Concubine, Hỏa Đức Thánh Concubine, Thổ Đức Thánh Concubine), who protected residents in the early stages of exploring the land. The following rites are carried out on the eighteenth day: opening the top gate, Mộc Dục, opening the neck, and reciting prayers for peace. In the 19th, folk games and performing arts take place such as Bóng rỗi singing and dancing, shadow dance, fortune offering dance, lily dance, chair dance, Khạp dance, knife dance, wine offering dance, etc attracting many people. Among them, Bóng rỗi singing and dancing as well as shadow dancing include songs, dances and songs together, and ritual dances - have the sacred nature of spiritual rituals. In the evening, a Đại Bội ceremony is held before the opera troupe performs ancient operas. On the 20th and 21st, people continue to perform traditional rituals, such as Túc Yết ceremony, Đoàn Cả ceremony - Thanksgiving ceremony. The most important offering is the Heo yết - the ceremonial pig. Among them, the Đoàn Cả ceremony is the biggest and most important ceremony, sacrificed at midnight. Offerings include live pigs - sticky pigs, sticky rice, incense, lamps, incense, wine, tea, and water. Rituals in the Đoàn Cả Ceremony include offering incense, offering wine, offering fruit, offering tea, and reading wishes in Chinese characters; Cut a square of the front and hind thigh meat to sacrifice to the gods; burning wishes and votive papers). Folk shows continue to perform at Bà temple. The most attractive is the performance "Chặp Địa Nàng Singing" with cheerfulness, humor, and great educational value.

The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

Hải Thượng Lãn Ông Festival is held on the full moon day of January every year, which is also the taboo day of famous physician Lê Hữu Trác (1720 - 1791), who made great contributions to Vietnam's traditional medicine. The festival is held at two main locations: the grave site (Sơn Trung commune) and the church (Quang Diệm commune) of the famous doctor. The ceremony was held with many solemn rituals such as representatives of the government and people offered incense at the grave site; procession of offerings to the Great Physician from the grave to the church with the participation of 12 processions; Worshiping ceremony on the taboo day - held at the church of the great physician Lê Hữu Trác in Quang Diệm commune, Hương Sơn district with offerings including incense, candles, fruits, betel and areca nuts, water, sticky rice, chicken, wine, ghost money; Ceremony to pray for peace and health (performed by monks, nuns, and Buddhists at the grave site or at the monument of the great physician), releasing flower lanterns at the dragon wharf on Ngàn Phố River. The festival part includes activities such as the Ngàn Phố River Traditional Boat Racing Festival; Hải Thượng flute kite display; arm wrestling competition; wrapping and cooking Chung cake contest; Stick pushing, tug of war, volleyball competitions; Displaying local products, etc attracts a large number of people to participate. Main rituals include Sacrifice; a Ceremony to pray for good health, pray for national peace and prosperity, and a ceremony to release lanterns. The festival included traditional art performance activities such as folk songs, songs, rhymes, vi giam, and folk games that attracted a large number of people to participate. This is a big festival in Hương Sơn region, Hà Tĩnh province.

Tết Khu Cù Tê, also known as the drumming festival, is held in July to commemorate the birthday of the Ancestor (Hoàng Vần Thùng) at the community house (Khu Cù Tê). The Khu Cù Tê house is built in the middle of the village, made in the style of twenty-eight column roofs, the floor is about 3m wide, and 5m long, the height from floor to roof is 3m, and there are no walls on all four sides. On the roof of the pangolin area, people hang buffalo horns and skulls. On July 1st, all the villagers gathered at the village chief's house to prepare offerings - deer wine (aged for a year), buffalo meat, sticky rice, and chicken. After that, the village chief brought a set of drums and gongs into the house of Cù Tê area to hold the ceremony. When the drums and gongs sound, the shaman asks the ancestors for permission to let the villagers celebrate Tết. From the 2nd day onwards, families in the village take turns making feasts and ask the shaman to perform the ceremony to invite ancestors to celebrate Tết. Offering tools must include buffalo horns and a basket containing ginger root. In addition to the prepared dishes, the homeowner must prepare a rooster for the shaman to perform the blood sacrifice ritual - cutting off the blood. The chicken is then taken to be processed into boiled chicken to continue the ceremony. After the offering, the shaman divines the chicken thigh bone to see the homeowner's luck. The worshiping rituals are completed, and the homeowner invites relatives and friends to eat and drink wine. On July 13, the La Chí people hold a farewell ceremony for their ancestors or an end-of-Tết ceremony. In the house of the Cù Tê area, a pillar hangs gongs and drums; The ladder symbolizes the bridge that brings the ancestors back to their place of residence. The village head and all the priests sat in a row in front of the house. In front of each person is a basket, buck wine, fresh ginger, and a buffalo horn. The village head recites a vow to invite the ancestors, the drum and gong masters beat and dance the drums and gongs in a sharp, strong, and intense rhythm. The ceremony to see off the ancestors ended with the procession of carrying two buffalo horns to Khu Cù Tê's house in front of the community.