Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.

Turkey 2009

Inscribed in 2010 (5.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity In Korean music, jeongga (translated as ‘right song’) refers to vocal music that falls under jeongak (translated as ‘right music’). Gagok, gasa, and sijo are examples of jeongga, which were sung by the members of the high society for character development. Unlike other forms of jeongga, gagok is sung to the accompaniment of orchestral instruments, such as geomungo (six-string zither), daegeum (large transverse bamboo flute), gayageum (twelve-string zither), and piri (small double-reed instrument). Gagok is highly esteemed for its musical and artistic perfection. Gagok complies with the definition of the intangible cultural heritage within the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, as ‘practices,representations, expressions, knowledge and skills… that communities, groups, and… individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage’. Gagok fits within the domain of ‘performing arts’. Traditional gagok is an original art form that has been sung by the Korean people for a long time, and is distinct from Western vocal music. Gagok is vocal music that was popular in the high society of the Joseon Dynasty (A.D. 1392-1897). Gagok is composed of twenty-six namchang, or songs for men, and fifteen yeochang, or songs for women. Thus, gagok features both masculine and feminine qualities. All notes in namchang are sung in geotsori, a strong voice resonating within the body. On the other hand, yeochang uses geotsori and soksori, a highpitched, thin voice. Gagok is composed in ujo, a key that is solemn and peaceful, or gyemyeonjo, which is melancholy. Gagok is played in either 16-beat or 10-beat rhythm. Accompaniment is typically comprised of orchestral instruments such as geomungo (six-string zither), gayageum (12-string zither), sepiri (small double-reed instrument), daegeum (transverse flute), haegeum (fiddle-like instrument), and janggu (hourglass drum). Yanggeum (hammered dulcimer) and danso (bamboo flute) are sometimes included in the accompaniment. Gagok has been preserved without transmutation for a long time, and it continues to be transmitted through the hands of master musicians. Gagok is intangible cultural heritage of great historical and artistic value.

South Korea 2010

The Kirgiz People has a long history. There were historical records about this ethnic group in the Western Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–23 A.D.). In the Tang Dynasty (618-907), Dudufu, or governor headquarters were set up on the upper reaches of the Yenisey River to administrate the Kirgizes’ inhabiting area (648). Throughout history, the Kirgizes withstood lots of hardship to move southwards from the upriver of Yenisey to the Tianshan Mountains and Pamir area in pursuit of an ideal community life amidst frequent tribal wars, which provided a deep cultural and historical basis for the evolution of the epic Manas. Manas is an epic verse sung and transmitted in oral forms. It is the general term for all different variations of the same theme in the Kirgiz community across Xinjiang. Manas is by tradition performed by one Manaschi without musical accompaniment, but in recent years there are also performances by more than one singer, or those accompanied by the traditional musical instrument of Komuz. Primary cultural spaces of this element include social gatherings, celebrations, life rituals, traditional festivals and special “Manas Concerts”. With a long-standing nomadic tradition, the Kirgiz people take the performance of Manas as their most important cultural expression for public entertainment, the remembrance of history, inheritance of culture, transmission of knowledge to younger generations and the prayer for fortune as well as guard against evil. Therefore, Manas is recognized as a key symbol of the cultural identity of the Kirgiz people, and the most important and integral part of the Kirghizian cultural heritage. Today, the Kirghizes are still proud of being the descendants of their hero Manas. The most important people for the transmission and development of Manas are Manachis who obtain their special knowledge through family inheritance or by learning from masters, and their skills are constantly improved during their entire career by constantly performing to the audiences. The most outstanding epic singer of our time, Dzüsüp Mamay is an epitome of Manachis, whose repertoire of Manas altogether covers eight cantos, namely, Manas, Semetey, Seytek, Kenenim, Seyit, Asilbacha-Bekbacha, Sombilek and Chigitey, 236,000 lines in total. The entire storytelling draws a genealogical account of the legendary achievements of the ancient hero Manas and his seven generations of descendants, recording all the major historic events of great impact for the Kirgiz people. It also gives vivid descriptions of the traditional belief, ethics and morality, mode of production and life of the Kirgiz people. Up to date, over 80 different variations of Manas have been found, which vary from one canto to several cantos, from a few thousand to tens of thousands of lines, all featured with rich and pithy lyrics, beautiful melodies, lively parables and many expressions and phrases that integrated into the Kirgiz everyday language. The melody is in seven scales and verses in parallels. In real performance, different singers usually adopt different registers and melodies according to the story, scenario and characters, and often make improvisations in lyrics, descriptions, music modes and gestures, so that traditional skills and individual creativity are combined to make this traditional epic full of vitality. As one of the three major epics of China, Manas is the outstanding creation and oral encyclopedia of the Kirgiz people and still remains the inexhaustible fountainhead to nurture their cultural psychology, ethnic character, creative capacity and artistic skills.

China 2009

Hoen-tey is a special Haa Valley dish that is usually prepared during Lomba celebrations, the indigenous New Year, which are held on the 29th day of the 10th lunar month. Normally, the ingredients for Hoen-tey are prepared and cooked on the evening of the 28th day. When Hoen-tey needs to be made in large quantities, it is prepared either on the 26th, 27th or 28th day, and then on the 29th day it is cooked. Long ago, Hoen-tey was only made during Lomba celebration. Nowadays it is prepared all year round. To prepare Hoen-tey, you need the following basic ingredients. -\tBuckwheat flour -\tBunches of beet leaves -\tTurnips -\tLocal butter -\tFermented local cheese -\tGinger -\tClove of garlic -\tWild black pepper -\tChili powder -\tWalnut (optional) -\tA few stalks of green onion -\tSalt to taste

Kharam is celebrated in all the villages under Tshenkhar gewog, Lhuentse Dzongkhag of Northeast Bhutan. In the local dialect, Tsangla, "Kharam" means "Gossiping negative forces”. Villages host the festive celebration to please the local deities, and to seek protection them from unforseen disasters for their crops, cattle, and fellow local people. They also pay homage to the local deities for protecting the people, yields and the domestic life of the country by natural calamities. The annual festive event is celebrated on 27th and 28th day of the 8th month of the Bhutanese calendar. The event is celebrated by performing ritual in the morning and consequently by performing boen choe “Bonism” by the communal people in respective locality and followed by traditional games like archery and khuru (dart) competition within the village. The main performer of the celebration is the Bonpo “Chant Leader” accompanied by all villagers irrespective of age. In the past, in the evening of the first day of the celebration, people used to ward-off the negative forces by hitting a rooster against a cow. However, now the community has stopped killing roosters and the symbolism was replaced using a feather. With the performance of Kharam, it is believed that the village will prosper and have good yield in that year with less mishaps in the community.

Choe-lhag-ni is a Dzongkha (National Language) term for recitation of Buddhist scriptures especially Sanskrit Tripitaka at the various religious institutions or at the individual houses by either a monk, lay monks or by ourselves. Reading scripture is not only one a virtuous act (ge-wi-la) in accumulating merits to oneself but also helps other to arouse faith and aids in realizing the Buddhahood nature. It also a ritual (rim-dro) which helps in clearing and overcoming the obstacles and hindrance created by malicious spirits our daily activities and purifies our sins and defilements as well. While conducting Choe-lhag-ni program, the reader or the reciter is normally called Choe-neb and Choe-yon or Jin-dha for sponsors and patrons. Normally, such program can be conducted or organized as an annual program or carryout as and when there are sicknesses or can when an astrologer or a Spiritual masters either advices or make divination. This Dharma activity is always conducted in consultation with astrologer or a Spiritual masters seeking favourable elements that coincides Lha-za (spirit/vital-day) and if not possible, then on the Sog-za (life-force day) of either a sick person or the main family member. Performing on that particular day is said to be more effective and beneficial than conducting on other days which are called Gang-tong (neutral days). It is instructed and also believed not to conduct any virtuous activities be it the Recitation of Scriptures on Shey-za (bad days) as it causes harm than benefiting oneself and the patrons. As mentioned above, recitation of whole set of Tripitaka comprise two sets namely; Kan-guyr (direct word of Buddha) with 99-108 volumes and Ten-gyur (its commentaries) with 200-228 volumes is a great and enormous activity which one need huge number of readers as well as enough financial assets for an individual therefore, Institutions such as; Monastic body, government’s initiative or a joint private individuals can only organize such program intendent for wellbeing of sentient beings and particularly to the people of the country. In a rare case, out of interest, benefit the sentient beings or to enlighten oneself, an individual sometimes engage themselves in reading whole Kan-gyur volumes. Normally, Buddhist followers who want to clear the unforeseen obstacles, ward off illnesses, counterforce mishaps and sometimes as a routine basis reads mostly either 16 volumes of Skt. Prajnaparamita (Perfection of wisdom Sutras) and more often the single volume called Do-mang or Zung-due, where there is numerous collection of important Buddhist texts. Reciters or readers can be a person or more depending on the sponsor’s wish nevertheless, often if the recitation is not in haste or an emergency then, a person will stay in the sponsor’s house until the completion of the scripture. But, in case a ritual of a sick person and have limited time, the patron will invite numbers of Reciters as to complete the whole set in a day. The tradition of reading Buddhist scriptures for wellbeing and performing meritorious deeds had been common from the days of Buddha Shakyamuni in India. Having translated these teachings translated into Tibetan as early as 7th century and thereafter, introduced the tradition of reading them. Later in the 8th century, when King Thrisong Detsan (755-797 or 804) was having the Indian Dharma translated into Tibetan, the translator Ba Ratna Manju (?) was translating the greater Prajnaparamita Sutra. In his dream, he saw the entire land of Tibet was filled with the scripture of Prajnaparamita. This was an omen that there would be purely Mahayana practitioners born in the land of Tibet. When looking at the Prajna of hearing and contemplating in the mountainous land of Tibet, though training was done in all the schools, the experiences in Drub-jue sing-ta-gyed (Eight Chariots of Practice Lineage) in all the four Schools of Dharma Tradition are essentially Mahayana, and particularly the practice in the Sa-ngag (Secret Mantra) is as per the prediction of this omen. When Ba Ratna Manju offered this to the King, the king was pleased, brushed his hand over his head and gave great rewards for his services. It also shows the King’s deep faith in the Prajnaparamita Sutra. As much as his faith in this outstanding text among all the excellent teachings, it was King Thrisong Deutsan who had started the tradition of reading the scriptures in Tibet. It is said that the twelve volumes of Bum (hundred thousand stanza) scripts used to be read, from beginning to end every morning by dividing the scriptures among some 300 monks at Samye Monastery, Tibet. From Tibet, the tradition gradually flourished to the neighbouring countries including Bhutan which the people of Bhutan still practice the culture not only for remedial purpose but also to uphold the sacred doctrine and inculcating the faith to the future generations. However, the modernization couldn’t make much affect for this reading culture while it had somewhat impacted other ICH for its survival.

The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.

Mongolia 2015

The Kate Festival of the Cham people is the most important festival of the Cham community in Ninh Thuan, taking place in the 7th month of the Cham calendar every year (around October of the Gregorian calendar). This festival is to commemorate gods such as Po Klaung Garai, Po Rame... and ancestors. The Kate Festival of the Cham people in Ninh Thuan province usually takes place in a large space at the temples and towers: Pô Klong Garai Tower (Do Vinh ward, Phan Rang - Thap Cham city), Pô Rômê Tower (Hau Sanh village, Phuoc Huu commune, Ninh Phuoc district) and Po Inư Nưgar Temple (Huu Duc village, Phuoc Huu commune, Ninh Phuoc district), in order from the temple, tower to the villages and finally to the family, creating a rich and diverse Cham festival flow. The Kate Festival consists of two parts: the ceremony and the festival. The ceremony includes rituals such as: The ritual of receiving clothes from the youngest Raglai brother down from the mountain at 7am; Opening the tower door to invite the gods to attend and enjoy the offerings; The ceremony of bathing the statue of the god; The ceremony of dressing the statue of the god Anguei Khan Aw Kapo; The most important Adaoh Tâm ceremony, starting from 9am - 11am; Kate festival at the temple, tower: The beginning of the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan is the worship ceremony at the temple tower directed by the high priest. The celebrant will play the Kanhi and sing a hymn, offering the gods. After that, the high priest will preside over the statue bathing ceremony performed by some Brahmin priests. The offerings in the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan at the temple tower include: 3 chickens, 1 big goat, 3 loaves of rice cakes, 1 tray of rice with sesame salt, 5 trays of rice with goat meat and soup with fresh fruit. In addition, the offerings also include eggs, wine, sticky rice, betel and areca nuts... After completing the above rituals, people will return to the village and continue other rituals. When the sacred dance in the tower has just ended, the festival outside the tower begins. The Kate festival is similar to the Lunar New Year of the Kinh people. The festival is vibrant with dances, Cham folk songs, Gi Nang drums, Saranai trumpets, brocade weaving performances, pottery making, water carrying competitions, drum beating... Kate festival in villages and families: The worship rituals and the festival part of the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan are held in parallel. Before the festival, villagers will clean the temple together, decorate the village house, and prepare food, drinks, and the yard. According to beliefs, each village will worship a god, but all are village gods. The celebrant - a prestigious person, trusted by the villagers, will represent the people to offer offerings to the gods to pray for good things, luck, and peace. After the Kate Festival in the village, the Cham people will return to their homes to perform the ceremony. The celebrant is the oldest person in the clan. This is the person who will represent the whole family to offer offerings to the ancestors. At this time, all family members are present, dressed neatly and sincerely pray for the ancestors to wish for peace. The Kate Festival expresses the desire for fertility, praying for growth, good crops towards a peaceful and prosperous life. With its great historical and cultural value, the Kate Festival of the Cham people in Ninh Thuan province was recognized as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2017.

Nowadays, almost everyone misunderstands that Chol Mlub, which is a traditional rite of passage for Cambodian women has disappeared, and even the purpose of the ceremony is also somewhat confused, because it is understood that women during rite of passage learn to be housewives, mainly to lighten the skin or whiten the skin, learn female law, learn the five precepts, the eight precepts until the ten precepts and sew embroidery. The fields of housing and education mentioned above belong to women, but that does not mean that woman has to learn while she is in the rite of passage. She can know before or after. The main purpose of the "Rite of Passage" is to be ready to be a man's wife in the future (ready to have a husband). Traditionally, every family always wants their sons and daughters to live as adults with honor in society. For sons to be ordinated as monks to show gratitude towards parents while daughters to enter the rite of passage to show gratitude toward mother. These factors motivate families with daughters to have at least one of their siblings to be in rite of passage. If you make the eldest daughter, youngers daughters will be accompanied, so when they reach puberty too, there is no need to organize a rite of passage, which saves the cost of the family. In fact, parents love and want their children to do the same. With this in mind, some locals still implement and practice rite of passage tradition, even in modern society. According to previous research, the villages and districts that still practice this tradition are in Boeung Preav commune, Sre Ambel commune, Dong Peng commune, Sre Ambel district, Koh Kong province, Tumnup commune, Taing Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province, Kien Sangke commune, Sot Nikum district, Siem Reap province. Rite of passage is women’s most important subject that they have to learn and there are many stages of the rite. The first stage is to prepare themselves for "first menstruation" that will last for 2 to 3 days, a ceremony called "Sen Chhol", will be commemorated to inform the ancestors about the rite of passage of their daughter. The second stage is the period of "Staying in the rite of passage”, women will be obligated to be on a proper diet such as eating vegetarian food, no sunlight exposure as well as other tasks that must be done every day for an average of 1 month, 3 months, 6 months or There are also 9 months. The third stage is "Leaving rite of passage" it is the last stage but there are many more tasks to be completed, the ceremony has to be held similar to a wedding ceremony (one night and two days). The symbolism of the work in the first stage is compared to "sperm" that propel in the mother's womb. Second stage is compared to a baby in the womb ready to be born. Stage 3 is compared to a mother is "having a contraction" waiting for the birth of a baby to come out of the womb. The whole ceremony is quite similar to a wedding; it is somehow called a single wedding or sometimes there is an escort who represent the husband. These are the wedding trials which women have to experience before a real one that take place in the future. The rite of passage that prepare women to get ready to be a wife has a tough discipline than men. Women are secluded in a room whereas men are in pagoda, focusing on the study but they are free to chat or meet people on holy days. The pagoda area for the venerable symbolizes the mother's womb and during a monkhood, men seems to be more relaxed than women, there is sunlight all over the large courtyard, but during rainy season, the monks are not allowed to leave the pagoda. In order to study dharma and other subjects for one year (equal to one Vorsa), which is equivalent to one quarter, the monks rushed to study only dharma (literature). But if monks want to continue to study for many years, they can learn more skills such as lime carpenter, carpenter, and sculptor. After leaving monkhood, they will be able to earn money with their skills and start a family. Beside, studying in pagoda monks also follow a strict diet which they can eat only two meals a day which is morning and noon (fish-meat) and in the evening only tea, milk only. For women, when they are in the rite of passage, they do not leave the room or outside the house, generally speaking, no sun exposure except at night when they shower or use toilet, because a dark sky represents mother’s womb, and the daughter in the rite of passage represents the baby in the mother's womb. That's why they try to keep the baby in the womb out of the sun until it is born. If the mother expose with sun, baby will pre-maturely born, it will definitely be worse for the baby. Strictly speaking, two-course meal like the monks, but a vegetarian dish without meat, such as porridge or rice with salt, soy, cucumber, sesame, ripe coconut, ripe banana, ripe mango, watermelon. Some foods are avoided such as bacon fat or fish sauce. At this point, it is not considered that rite of passage is when women learn to be housewife, because they don’t eat or anything. In fact, a woman knows how to cook before she enters the rite, and so does sewing, embroidering, and sweeping the house, these skills are important for women when they have husbands. The study of the five precepts, the three precepts, or the ten precepts deeply, is not seen at all, that is, only the chanting of the Dharma of worshiping God (Vantea Preah) every morning and evening. Some of the work women do while in the rite of passage are just to get rid of boredom. Others say that they Chol Mlub to exfoliate their skin complexion, because they have not been applied makeup or any powder, only wearing a long sleeves shirt to cover her body and staying in a mosquito net. Wearing a multi-layered shirt is not just for the sake of a bright skin, it represents a baby in a mother's womb covered by a few layers of belly. If women have only one layer of belly, it will affect the baby when the mother eats spicy or hot. Generally speaking, staying in the rite of passage is a way of guiding women during their puberty to get ready to be a wife. They do not have to get married immediately, at least wait two to three years The symbol of leaving the rite of passage is like a mother during a contraction of childbirth delivery, because on the first day of the ritual, the woman is not yet exposed to the sun. Even though she leaves the room in the house but she needs to use an umbrella and still be in mosquito net, waiting for the next task, with the Khmer grandmother as the guard next to the mosquito net. In some villages in Sre Ambel district, Khmer grandmothers who know how to give birth midwives called (Daun Khner) are obliged to monitor the baby's movement by taking care of the mother's womb, such as touching or waiting for the baby to be born. Next important task, an old single man called (Jas Komlos) will dance with a movement of digging (Daun Khner) with a traditional music, which metaphorically means to ease the process of child delivery to be quick. Then, Daun Khner will hold the woman’s hand out of the room to a ceremony hall. This represents a baby who was just born and it will be covered by a piece of while cloth and the body of a baby is compared to the mother’s placenta. At that time, it was old, hot, dancing, digging, digging, Daun Nhe (Daun Khmer) accompanied by the traditional song titled, "Kors Daun Nher". The process of carrying a child by the Khmer grandmother from the room to the ceremony hall on the ground is the process of being born from the surface or out of the abdomen one step at a time with a piece of white cloth as a way or covering the body of the child is like the placenta of Mother. Waiting until a next sunrise, it is assumed that the baby is successfully born. There are many following rituals such as cutting hair, ear piecing, tver tmenh (), which serve as a confirmation the woman is ready for a wifehood. The rite of passage process is almost the same as a wedding, which includes: Krong Peali ritual (Sen Krong Pali), Sen Chong Dai, Bok Lak (game to find Lak). All work is done continuously from the evening until Acha tied the hand of the Cho Mlub child with his sister and cousin to participate in the ceremony (Photo: San Phall, 2016) 1AM, Kors Duan Nher ritual will be done at midnight. On the morning of the second, the child will be accompanied to the ceremony hall to worship the sun, get haircut, do teeth, get ears pierced, reav ang kor reab, porpil rotate and tie hands as a finale. This Chol Mlub tradition plays an important role in educating people in society by showing the process of a woman in her puberty who has to go through the rite of passage in order to be qualified for wifehood and to become mothers. Women is considered as a land for sowing seeds and the gender roles they inherited include housekeeping, child care, in general, to manage the family economy. For men, they pick up profession or skill to earn money for the female to manage. Men and women are always in pairs, one of which cannot be missed, that is how society created.

Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.

The Linh Sơn Thánh Mẫu Mother Goddess's Birthday Celebrations at Ba Den Mountain is held for 3 days starting from the 4th and ending at noon on the 6th of May (lunar calendar) every year - a major folk festival in Tay Ninh in particular and the Southeast region in general with a harmonious combination of Buddhist and folk rituals. Inside the main hall of Ba Den Mountain Pagoda is the statue of Ba Den with altars of the Four Mountain Gods and the girls and boys standing on both sides. The unique feature of the Linh Sơn Thánh Mẫu Mother Goddess's Birthday Celebrations at Ba Den Mountain is the offering ritual performed by monks accompanied by music, both graceful and solemn, full of convention and sophistication. After the worship ritual is the worship program, folk art performances on the 4th, at Ba Temple take place the following rituals: singing puppetry to invite, singing comedy "Dia Nang", dancing to offer flowers, offering five-color trays, dancing with toys (dancing with jars, dancing with water hyacinths, dancing with lilies...). The most typical and sacred ritual is the Ba bathing ceremony (taking place on the night of May 4). At the Ba Temple, the bathing ritual takes place behind the forbidden palace gate by women. The bathing water is pure water soaked with fragrant flowers (jasmine, roses, lilies, orchids, etc.). After the Ba bathing ritual, thousands of people come to the Ba Temple to receive the Holy Mother's blessings. The 5th is the official Via festival. The most important of these is the "Trinh thap cung" ceremony. During this ritual, people offer 10 offerings to Ba, and monks take turns chanting continuously in front of the Ba altar. The 6th is for worshiping wandering souls, unlucky children, and offering alms to the people, followed by the salt offering ritual. In addition to the ritual, on the evening of the 4th and 5th of the 5th lunar month, many unique art programs and performances took place in the area of Dien Ba and Linh Son Tien Thach Pagoda such as: dragon dance, dragon horse dance, four-lantern dance, shadow singing and special excerpts from Cai Luong about the legend of Linh Son Thanh Mau. The Linh Sơn Thánh Mẫu Mother Goddess's Birthday Celebrations at Ba Den Mountain with bustling and sacred folk art activities has contributed to creating a rich spiritual and cultural life, meeting the spiritual and cultural needs of the people of the South. In 2018, " Linh Sơn Thánh Mẫu Mother Goddess's Birthday Celebrations at Ba Den Mountain " was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism and included in the list of National Intangible Cultural Heritage.

The Nàng Hai Festival, also known as the Moon Praying Festival, begins in January and lasts until mid-March with the symbolic meaning of mothers and fairies on earth going to heaven to welcome Mother Moon and fairies down to earth. The Ngan ethnic group believes that on the Moon there is Mother Moon and 12 fairies, her daughters, who always take care of and protect the crops of all people. They choose a mother to be Mother Moon, and the girls play the role of fairies, including two unmarried girls who play the two moon sisters. The characters all wear traditional costumes according to regulations. They set up a "moon tent" as a place for Mother Moon and the fairies to sit during the ceremony. Before the ceremony, the people playing the role of Mother Moon (Mụ Cốc) and the girls stand in front of the altar so that Mr. Tào can perform the transformation ceremony for the souls of Mother Moon and the fairies to enter. From then on, they must abstain according to regulations. The ceremony is held on a large field with the rituals of "worshiping the local land princess" at the communal temple to ask permission for the villagers to organize the Moon-praying festival the following night. According to tradition, the ritual of carrying offerings from Thanh An communal house to the outdoor altar is a very important part to invite the gods to witness. The procession consists of 8 young people carrying the palanquin, including 4 men and 4 women, led by the shaman and the dancers, followed by trays of offerings including a pig's head, 4 pig's feet, chicken, duck, wine, cakes, and five-color dyed sticky rice. The shaman worships the local land goddess and the gods, the artists perform the rituals of dancing around the altar when the Moon-welcoming festival opens. After completing the ritual of reporting to Mother Moon and the 12 fairies, the village elder performs the rituals of praying for blessings, good luck, favorable weather, good crops; inviting Mother Moon and the fairies to bring crops and blessings to the villagers. The ceremony lasts for twelve nights. Each night, a Mother is invited. After that, they held a ceremony to send the moon ladies back to heaven. As for the festival, the shaman blew the trumpet and opened the festival. Villagers and commune residents participated in traditional sports activities such as: men's and women's volleyball; blindfolded duck catching; and pond fishing. In addition, the festival featured performances of folk songs, then singing, coi singing, folk games, and traditional cuisine of the Ngan ethnic group such as bamboo-tube rice, wild vegetable dishes, pork fish sauce, field carp fish sauce, salted plums, five-color sticky rice, pickled bamboo shoots, black plums dipped in sesame salt. This is a unique folk festival imbued with spiritual colors, with a positive and highly educational nature in the Ngan community. With its unique cultural values, the Ngan ethnic group's Moon Praying Festival was recognized as a national intangible cultural heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2018.