The Kate Festival of the Cham people is the most important festival of the Cham community in Ninh Thuan, taking place in the 7th month of the Cham calendar every year (around October of the Gregorian calendar). This festival is to commemorate gods such as Po Klaung Garai, Po Rame... and ancestors. The Kate Festival of the Cham people in Ninh Thuan province usually takes place in a large space at the temples and towers: Pô Klong Garai Tower (Do Vinh ward, Phan Rang - Thap Cham city), Pô Rômê Tower (Hau Sanh village, Phuoc Huu commune, Ninh Phuoc district) and Po Inư Nưgar Temple (Huu Duc village, Phuoc Huu commune, Ninh Phuoc district), in order from the temple, tower to the villages and finally to the family, creating a rich and diverse Cham festival flow. The Kate Festival consists of two parts: the ceremony and the festival. The ceremony includes rituals such as: The ritual of receiving clothes from the youngest Raglai brother down from the mountain at 7am; Opening the tower door to invite the gods to attend and enjoy the offerings; The ceremony of bathing the statue of the god; The ceremony of dressing the statue of the god Anguei Khan Aw Kapo; The most important Adaoh Tâm ceremony, starting from 9am - 11am; Kate festival at the temple, tower: The beginning of the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan is the worship ceremony at the temple tower directed by the high priest. The celebrant will play the Kanhi and sing a hymn, offering the gods. After that, the high priest will preside over the statue bathing ceremony performed by some Brahmin priests. The offerings in the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan at the temple tower include: 3 chickens, 1 big goat, 3 loaves of rice cakes, 1 tray of rice with sesame salt, 5 trays of rice with goat meat and soup with fresh fruit. In addition, the offerings also include eggs, wine, sticky rice, betel and areca nuts... After completing the above rituals, people will return to the village and continue other rituals. When the sacred dance in the tower has just ended, the festival outside the tower begins. The Kate festival is similar to the Lunar New Year of the Kinh people. The festival is vibrant with dances, Cham folk songs, Gi Nang drums, Saranai trumpets, brocade weaving performances, pottery making, water carrying competitions, drum beating... Kate festival in villages and families: The worship rituals and the festival part of the Kate festival in Ninh Thuan are held in parallel. Before the festival, villagers will clean the temple together, decorate the village house, and prepare food, drinks, and the yard. According to beliefs, each village will worship a god, but all are village gods. The celebrant - a prestigious person, trusted by the villagers, will represent the people to offer offerings to the gods to pray for good things, luck, and peace. After the Kate Festival in the village, the Cham people will return to their homes to perform the ceremony. The celebrant is the oldest person in the clan. This is the person who will represent the whole family to offer offerings to the ancestors. At this time, all family members are present, dressed neatly and sincerely pray for the ancestors to wish for peace. The Kate Festival expresses the desire for fertility, praying for growth, good crops towards a peaceful and prosperous life. With its great historical and cultural value, the Kate Festival of the Cham people in Ninh Thuan province was recognized as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2017.

Nowadays, almost everyone misunderstands that Chol Mlub, which is a traditional rite of passage for Cambodian women has disappeared, and even the purpose of the ceremony is also somewhat confused, because it is understood that women during rite of passage learn to be housewives, mainly to lighten the skin or whiten the skin, learn female law, learn the five precepts, the eight precepts until the ten precepts and sew embroidery. The fields of housing and education mentioned above belong to women, but that does not mean that woman has to learn while she is in the rite of passage. She can know before or after. The main purpose of the "Rite of Passage" is to be ready to be a man's wife in the future (ready to have a husband). Traditionally, every family always wants their sons and daughters to live as adults with honor in society. For sons to be ordinated as monks to show gratitude towards parents while daughters to enter the rite of passage to show gratitude toward mother. These factors motivate families with daughters to have at least one of their siblings to be in rite of passage. If you make the eldest daughter, youngers daughters will be accompanied, so when they reach puberty too, there is no need to organize a rite of passage, which saves the cost of the family. In fact, parents love and want their children to do the same. With this in mind, some locals still implement and practice rite of passage tradition, even in modern society. According to previous research, the villages and districts that still practice this tradition are in Boeung Preav commune, Sre Ambel commune, Dong Peng commune, Sre Ambel district, Koh Kong province, Tumnup commune, Taing Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province, Kien Sangke commune, Sot Nikum district, Siem Reap province. Rite of passage is women’s most important subject that they have to learn and there are many stages of the rite. The first stage is to prepare themselves for "first menstruation" that will last for 2 to 3 days, a ceremony called "Sen Chhol", will be commemorated to inform the ancestors about the rite of passage of their daughter. The second stage is the period of "Staying in the rite of passage”, women will be obligated to be on a proper diet such as eating vegetarian food, no sunlight exposure as well as other tasks that must be done every day for an average of 1 month, 3 months, 6 months or There are also 9 months. The third stage is "Leaving rite of passage" it is the last stage but there are many more tasks to be completed, the ceremony has to be held similar to a wedding ceremony (one night and two days). The symbolism of the work in the first stage is compared to "sperm" that propel in the mother's womb. Second stage is compared to a baby in the womb ready to be born. Stage 3 is compared to a mother is "having a contraction" waiting for the birth of a baby to come out of the womb. The whole ceremony is quite similar to a wedding; it is somehow called a single wedding or sometimes there is an escort who represent the husband. These are the wedding trials which women have to experience before a real one that take place in the future. The rite of passage that prepare women to get ready to be a wife has a tough discipline than men. Women are secluded in a room whereas men are in pagoda, focusing on the study but they are free to chat or meet people on holy days. The pagoda area for the venerable symbolizes the mother's womb and during a monkhood, men seems to be more relaxed than women, there is sunlight all over the large courtyard, but during rainy season, the monks are not allowed to leave the pagoda. In order to study dharma and other subjects for one year (equal to one Vorsa), which is equivalent to one quarter, the monks rushed to study only dharma (literature). But if monks want to continue to study for many years, they can learn more skills such as lime carpenter, carpenter, and sculptor. After leaving monkhood, they will be able to earn money with their skills and start a family. Beside, studying in pagoda monks also follow a strict diet which they can eat only two meals a day which is morning and noon (fish-meat) and in the evening only tea, milk only. For women, when they are in the rite of passage, they do not leave the room or outside the house, generally speaking, no sun exposure except at night when they shower or use toilet, because a dark sky represents mother’s womb, and the daughter in the rite of passage represents the baby in the mother's womb. That's why they try to keep the baby in the womb out of the sun until it is born. If the mother expose with sun, baby will pre-maturely born, it will definitely be worse for the baby. Strictly speaking, two-course meal like the monks, but a vegetarian dish without meat, such as porridge or rice with salt, soy, cucumber, sesame, ripe coconut, ripe banana, ripe mango, watermelon. Some foods are avoided such as bacon fat or fish sauce. At this point, it is not considered that rite of passage is when women learn to be housewife, because they don’t eat or anything. In fact, a woman knows how to cook before she enters the rite, and so does sewing, embroidering, and sweeping the house, these skills are important for women when they have husbands. The study of the five precepts, the three precepts, or the ten precepts deeply, is not seen at all, that is, only the chanting of the Dharma of worshiping God (Vantea Preah) every morning and evening. Some of the work women do while in the rite of passage are just to get rid of boredom. Others say that they Chol Mlub to exfoliate their skin complexion, because they have not been applied makeup or any powder, only wearing a long sleeves shirt to cover her body and staying in a mosquito net. Wearing a multi-layered shirt is not just for the sake of a bright skin, it represents a baby in a mother's womb covered by a few layers of belly. If women have only one layer of belly, it will affect the baby when the mother eats spicy or hot. Generally speaking, staying in the rite of passage is a way of guiding women during their puberty to get ready to be a wife. They do not have to get married immediately, at least wait two to three years The symbol of leaving the rite of passage is like a mother during a contraction of childbirth delivery, because on the first day of the ritual, the woman is not yet exposed to the sun. Even though she leaves the room in the house but she needs to use an umbrella and still be in mosquito net, waiting for the next task, with the Khmer grandmother as the guard next to the mosquito net. In some villages in Sre Ambel district, Khmer grandmothers who know how to give birth midwives called (Daun Khner) are obliged to monitor the baby's movement by taking care of the mother's womb, such as touching or waiting for the baby to be born. Next important task, an old single man called (Jas Komlos) will dance with a movement of digging (Daun Khner) with a traditional music, which metaphorically means to ease the process of child delivery to be quick. Then, Daun Khner will hold the woman’s hand out of the room to a ceremony hall. This represents a baby who was just born and it will be covered by a piece of while cloth and the body of a baby is compared to the mother’s placenta. At that time, it was old, hot, dancing, digging, digging, Daun Nhe (Daun Khmer) accompanied by the traditional song titled, "Kors Daun Nher". The process of carrying a child by the Khmer grandmother from the room to the ceremony hall on the ground is the process of being born from the surface or out of the abdomen one step at a time with a piece of white cloth as a way or covering the body of the child is like the placenta of Mother. Waiting until a next sunrise, it is assumed that the baby is successfully born. There are many following rituals such as cutting hair, ear piecing, tver tmenh (), which serve as a confirmation the woman is ready for a wifehood. The rite of passage process is almost the same as a wedding, which includes: Krong Peali ritual (Sen Krong Pali), Sen Chong Dai, Bok Lak (game to find Lak). All work is done continuously from the evening until Acha tied the hand of the Cho Mlub child with his sister and cousin to participate in the ceremony (Photo: San Phall, 2016) 1AM, Kors Duan Nher ritual will be done at midnight. On the morning of the second, the child will be accompanied to the ceremony hall to worship the sun, get haircut, do teeth, get ears pierced, reav ang kor reab, porpil rotate and tie hands as a finale. This Chol Mlub tradition plays an important role in educating people in society by showing the process of a woman in her puberty who has to go through the rite of passage in order to be qualified for wifehood and to become mothers. Women is considered as a land for sowing seeds and the gender roles they inherited include housekeeping, child care, in general, to manage the family economy. For men, they pick up profession or skill to earn money for the female to manage. Men and women are always in pairs, one of which cannot be missed, that is how society created.

The Nàng Hai Festival, also known as the Moon Praying Festival, begins in January and lasts until mid-March with the symbolic meaning of mothers and fairies on earth going to heaven to welcome Mother Moon and fairies down to earth. The Ngan ethnic group believes that on the Moon there is Mother Moon and 12 fairies, her daughters, who always take care of and protect the crops of all people. They choose a mother to be Mother Moon, and the girls play the role of fairies, including two unmarried girls who play the two moon sisters. The characters all wear traditional costumes according to regulations. They set up a "moon tent" as a place for Mother Moon and the fairies to sit during the ceremony. Before the ceremony, the people playing the role of Mother Moon (Mụ Cốc) and the girls stand in front of the altar so that Mr. Tào can perform the transformation ceremony for the souls of Mother Moon and the fairies to enter. From then on, they must abstain according to regulations. The ceremony is held on a large field with the rituals of "worshiping the local land princess" at the communal temple to ask permission for the villagers to organize the Moon-praying festival the following night. According to tradition, the ritual of carrying offerings from Thanh An communal house to the outdoor altar is a very important part to invite the gods to witness. The procession consists of 8 young people carrying the palanquin, including 4 men and 4 women, led by the shaman and the dancers, followed by trays of offerings including a pig's head, 4 pig's feet, chicken, duck, wine, cakes, and five-color dyed sticky rice. The shaman worships the local land goddess and the gods, the artists perform the rituals of dancing around the altar when the Moon-welcoming festival opens. After completing the ritual of reporting to Mother Moon and the 12 fairies, the village elder performs the rituals of praying for blessings, good luck, favorable weather, good crops; inviting Mother Moon and the fairies to bring crops and blessings to the villagers. The ceremony lasts for twelve nights. Each night, a Mother is invited. After that, they held a ceremony to send the moon ladies back to heaven. As for the festival, the shaman blew the trumpet and opened the festival. Villagers and commune residents participated in traditional sports activities such as: men's and women's volleyball; blindfolded duck catching; and pond fishing. In addition, the festival featured performances of folk songs, then singing, coi singing, folk games, and traditional cuisine of the Ngan ethnic group such as bamboo-tube rice, wild vegetable dishes, pork fish sauce, field carp fish sauce, salted plums, five-color sticky rice, pickled bamboo shoots, black plums dipped in sesame salt. This is a unique folk festival imbued with spiritual colors, with a positive and highly educational nature in the Ngan community. With its unique cultural values, the Ngan ethnic group's Moon Praying Festival was recognized as a national intangible cultural heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2018.

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.

Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Four daily meals were served to the King. Before 7:00 AM, chojobansang (a breakfast composed of porridge and dried side dishes) was served when the King did not have to have a medical decoction. Breakfast and dinner were served on three tables, wonban (the main table containing white rice, seaweed soup, stew, a steamed dish, kimchi and 12 side dishes: gyeotban (a side table containing rice with red bean, casserole, empty bowls, and a tea cup) and jeongolsang (a side table containing jeongol casserole, meat, sesame oil, egg, and vegetables). Lunch or a meal with a visiting guest was served with noodles. Banquet meals were served on congratulatory occasions like the birthday of the King or Queen or the designation of the Crown Prince, or for greeting a foreign royal envoy. During the Joseon Period, the main meals served at the Royal Palace were porridge, starch porridge, noodles and dumplings, in addition to cooked rice. Side dishes served were broth, a steamed dish, steamed vegetables, casserole, stir-fries, a grilled dish, meat skewers, pan-fries, boiled meat slices, boiled and fresh vegetables, mustard-seasoned vegetable, gujeolpan (a platter of nine delicacies), braised abalones, braised mussels, jangnajorigae, beef jerky, jokpyeon (ox foot jelly), beef tartare, sliced raw fish, parboiled sliced fish, leaf wraps, parboiled fish with vegetables, kimchi, and soy sauce. An assortment of rice cakes, honeyed juice mixed with fruits as a punch and processed fruits were also served, chestnuts, jujubes, yullan (chestnut balls), joran (jujube balls), and gangnan (ginger balls). Literature concerning the Royal Palace cuisine of the Joseon Dynasty includes Gyeongguk daejeon (National Code), Joseon wangjo sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Jinyeon uigwe (Royal Protocol of the Royal Banquets), Jinjak uigwe (Royal Protocol of the Conduct of Banquets), and Gungjung eumsik balgi (List of the Royal Cuisine). The Joseon Dynasty came to an end in 1910, and Korean cuisine culture has changed drastically with the passage of time. Royal Palace cuisine has been designated as important intangible cultural heritage in an effort to preserve the country’s cuisine culture tradition.

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented in this nomination with the names Katyrma, is a set of traditional knowledge and rituals related to preparation and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Kazakhstan and is transmitted from generation to generation. Flatbread tradition is symbol of shared cultural identity and serves as expression of mutual respect among communities. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. Some communities in Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners.

Kazakhstan 2016

The Sticky Rice Chupatty Making has existed for a long time in the locality. The cake is made from 2 types of flour: sticky rice flour and tapioca flour, along with ingredients such as sesame, green beans, durian, jackfruit, coconut milk, chicken eggs, fresh green onions, sugar, etc. The sticky rice used to make the cake must be waxy, both fragrant and sticky. The coconut milk must be pressed from a dry, golden-brown coconut (just dried). The process of making the cake is very elaborate, going through more than 10 stages: The sticky rice is soaked for a few hours, then washed thoroughly, and steamed until the sticky rice is cooked. The cooked sticky rice is immediately poured into a mortar to pound with sugar and coconut milk. The sticky rice is pounded while still hot so the dough will be sticky quickly. The pounding stage determines whether the puffed rice cake is delicious or not. To make the cake puffier when baked, the bakers will add a little ground soybean flour. After pounding the dough, shape it into balls and roll them. When rolling the cake, the person peeling the dough must peel it evenly so that each piece of dough has the same weight, and must be skillful to make the cake round. In addition, whether the cake is delicious or not depends on the person turning the dough, who must turn it evenly, quickly and continuously so that the cake will rise and be spongy when baked. Here, they have 10 different types of cakes. The Sticky Rice Chupatty Making Son Doc, Hung Nhuong commune, Giong Trom district, Ben Tre province was included in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018 by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

The main function of "Chang-Er" is used for winnow rice, beans, sesame, and so on. Besides, it can be used for drying other things. There are three types of Chang-Er and they are Chang-Er om (for winnowing), Chang-Er Krong (for drying things), Chhnang Kolobei (which is smaller and has a shallower expression than Chang-Er om used for drying things). The main material used for making Chang-Er is bamboo. The first weave the bamboo and cut it into shapes according to the size of Ehang-Er and split it into small squares of about 5 centimeters. Then put it on a small, thin strip and seal it neatly, the bamboo center section is called the "Bantos Antorng" and the back section is called the "Bantos Tbanh" Also, they have to soak the closed bamboo board in water for 2 or 3 days before weaving. The first stage is called "Antorng or korbat" After extracting Bantos from the water, you can weave them together until it has the smooth shape of chang-er. The next step is to take the woven skein to put it in a “Kandab” bamboo skewer with a round shape on one side and a flat one on the other side and bend it in a circle according to the shape of the Chang-Er. In order to place the Kandab Chang-Er, the woven skein is bent around to make it rise, and then Bantos Kandab is used to pinch both sides around the place where the punch is made until it is completely formed. Then they use a sharp iron (called a "Jak Kantob") and "Knouch" (a double-strand rope made from Phdao) to tie around the crotch so that the woven Chang-Er does not slip out of the Kandab. Finally, the woven Chang-Er will be lightly roasted in the kiln, which is dug into a hole about half a meter deep. There is also another to make chang-er in closed walls with a roof like a hut. Before roasting, water is poured on the stove to moisten it slightly to prevent the ash from heating up. For Chang-Er that do not have walls and roofs, old mats are used to cover Chang-Er to keep a good heat. The fire must be taken care of carefully, because if the fire is too strong, it will burn, but if the fire is too low, the Chang-Er will not be red.

Traditional fried cookie prepared with wheat, peas, pumpkin seed, sesame and sometime apricot seed.

The Rice Paper Making in Mỹ Lồng, My Thanh commune, Giong Trom, Ben Tre was born more than a hundred years ago. At first, the rice paper kiln only produced for many families in need during the spring days, Tet months or death anniversaries to worship ancestors, spring gifts for the family or in-laws, to entertain guests during the spring days or death anniversaries. By the 1980s, the 20th century, Rice Paper Making in Mỹ Lồng gradually became a commodity product and developed into a craft village, a craft commune. The difference between My Long rice paper and other places is that My Long rice paper is made from sticky rice and rich coconut milk of the homeland. The rice used to make the rice paper must be delicious, fragrant, not too dry, washed thoroughly and ground into a watery powder. The coconut must be old, with thick flesh, grated to get a thick and viscous milk. Mixing the rice paper is usually done by experienced people, the right and sufficient flour will prevent the rice paper from sticking to the mold, making it easy to flip when drying. People make rice paper with many flavors, especially with coconut or ginger, creatively combining the experience left by their grandparents. Finely ground rice mixed with coconut milk, ginger essence - depending on preference, you can add flavor, egg yolk to the cake, along with some spices such as sesame (black, white), salt, milk ... My Long grilled coconut rice paper product is famous for its characteristic stickiness, fatty taste and strong aroma of traditional sesame rice paper. Nowadays, rice paper has many varieties for tourists to choose from such as: egg milk rice paper, salty rice paper, ginger rice paper ... My Long rice paper has become the pride of the people of Xu Dua, Ben Tre province. With its typical value, the Rice Paper Making in Mỹ Lồng, Ben Tre province was included in the List of National Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2018 by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

“Toek-kroeung” is a popular dish because it is delicious and nutritious made from fish and eaten with a variety of fresh vegetables. The ingredients for making Toek-kroeung, there are not many, what is needed is fish (fish can have many kinds of preferences), prahok, lemon, garlic, sugar, salt, sesame or peanuts, sweet basil, long coriander, garlic, water. To make the dish, first, take the fish to boil or grill and remove all the bones and then mix it with other ingredients such as garlic, sugar, salt, and lemon. In order to make it tastier, mix the boiled fish with the boiled water, or you can take hot water can be used instead, and they take the steamed prahok and soak it in water. To make it even thicker, add sesame seeds or cooked peanuts, add chopped sweet basil, long coriander and garlic and sprinkle on top and taste or change as you like. As for vegetable of Teuk Kreoung, there can be many kinds according to the district, region and the preferences of the eater. Commonly include water convolvulus, water lily, Mimosa, Kamping Pouy, rice cucumber or Pha Or cucumber, Taiwan Bok Choy, Azadirachta Indica flower and leaf, Long bean, Trouy Rang, Plov Kongkeb, papaya, wax gourd, luffa gourd, banana flower, eggplant, sesbania grandiflora, and so on. Some of these vegetables can be eaten raw and some can be boiled or cooked.

"Plowing” has been a traditional royal ceremony of the Khmer kings since ancient times. That is why to this day, the Royal Palace still plays an important role in organizing this ceremony. The rainy season, a king or a representative plow the fields to be the first to follow the path, because in the belief, the king is considered a deity who is in human appearance to rule over the kingdom. Therefore, the king is the king of the earth or the lord of the earth, that is, the "master of the field." On the other hand, even though the king does not farm directly, this ceremony shows the king's concern for the livelihood of the people. The plowing ceremony is also to pray for good rain according to the season, abundant harvest, prosperous district and free from all diseases. The history of the Khmer plowing ceremony probably dates back to the time when the Khmer came to know Indian civilization, as there are statues of Preah Pol Ream or Preah Tep (the avatar of Preah Nareay), the main deity of agriculture, holding a plow in Phnom Da (Takeo province) since pre-Angkorian times. Preah Pol Ream is probably quite popular, as there are sculptures in Banteay Srei, Angkor Wat, Baphuon, Banteay Sarae .... In the inscriptions, there are names of Preah Pol Ream who have different functions in the temple and are known as the name of Preah Pol Ream, for example, "សង្កស៌ណ" which means "plowed" or "pulled out". The evidence that Preah Pol Ream was the god of agriculture became clearer in the Middle Ages: the role of an official in charge of agriculture in the whole country is called "Oknha Pol Tep" and until the law governing this field, the Khmer people called it "Krom Pol Tep" (or called "Krom Peak Huk Pol Tep"). Therefore, it is not a coincidence that Preah Pol Tep, a deity, has a duty in the Royal Plowing Ceremony. His image was on a flag that was solemnly flown at the ceremony. Not only that, they built a statue of Preah Pol Ream (modeled after the statue of him at Phnom Da temple) in a stall for the ceremony and offerings that emphasize the importance of Preah Pol Ream in the plowing ceremony. Every year, the Royal Plowing Ceremony is held on the 4th of Roch Pisak (May-June), the beginning of the rainy season, and is celebrated in a designated field, sometimes in the capital and sometimes in the provinces. If it is done in Phnom Penh, the field of Preah Meru is used, and if it is done in Siem Reap, the field in front of the terrace of the elephants is used as the field. Before the day of the ceremony, they usually build a pavilion at Veal Preah Srae and other five pavilions as a place where the deities can watch the plowing from all five directions. According to tradition, before the 4th day of Roch, Visakh, from the 1st day of Roach, 2nd Roach and 3rd Roach, 5 Brahmins perform the Pali ceremony in the middle of Preah Srae to ask permission from Krong Pali, Preah Phum and Neang Kong Hing Preah Thorani Ceremony. After offering to Krong Pali, it is time to offer to Deva Rub in the ceremony hall by inviting Preah Panchakset (other Devarub) to be displayed in the ceremony hall and to hold ceremonies in the five directions. In the east, the Brahmins Preah Reach Kru invited the Preah Komjay to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. In the southeast, the Brahmins Thireach invited Preah Narayan to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. In the southwest, the Brahmins Preah Jeak Yea Thib Dei invited the Preah Chanti to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. In the Northwest, the Brahmin Preah Minthor (Mahenthor) invites Preah Ey So to set up and perform Horm ceremony. The northeast, the Brahmin invited Preah Kanes, to set up and perform Horm ceremonies. When the Brahmins perform the ritual for three days, the fourth day is the day of plowing. Previously, the king was the direct plowman. But if he does not perform this, a representative of Oknha Pol Tep must be appointed. If Oknha Pol Tep had other business, Oknha Pochnea was assigned to replace from time to time. Nowadays, it is rare to see a king plowing, often his representative, sometimes as a royal family and sometimes as a high-ranking official in the government. Representing the King is called "Sdach Meak”, wearing a robe like the King is a plowman." As for the wife of King Meak, called "Chumteav or Preah Mehua", she wears a robe in the manner of the king's wife, who sows rice crops. Early in the morning ... King Meak and Neang Mehua went to worship His Majesty to be appointed. The king put incense on the foreheads of the king Meak and his wife as a symbol of appointment, and the King gave Sdach Meak a sword. Meak. The King Meak holds his sword and travels to the procession which is waiting. The King Meak sits on Preah Sor Leang, and Preah Mehua sits on a hammock accompanied by a procession led by the music of Pin Peat (play the song called Klom). Upon entering the Royal rice fields, King Meak and Preah Mehua must worship at the southwestern center before starting the plowing ceremony. This plow has three plows: the front plow is called "Lead plow", the middle plow is held by the king Meak and there is another plow in the back. Preah Mehua must follow the third plow and sow the seeds such as the sesame, bean, corn, and the rice crops following the path. After plowing three rounds of the royal rice fields, the plowing procession stopped at the eastern Mondob so that the king Meak could enter to worship the deity of the Mondob. The last task is for the Brahmin to perform a prayer ceremony, the cows are removed from the yoke of the plow to eat the seven kinds of food prepared on a table with pedestal dishes, including water, rice, grass, corn kernels, sesame seeds, beans and wine. The cow’s prediction is predicting the well-being and productivity of the people this year. If the cows drink a lot of water, the prophecy predicts that this year there will be enough water and enough rain. If the cows eat a lot of grass, the animals will get sick. If the cows eat a lot of rice, beans and sesame, these crops will bear a lot of fruit. But if the cows do not eat, the prophecy is that this year there will be wicked people, many drunkards, and the nation will suffer and war. At the end of the ceremony, people, young and old, compete to pick rice, corn, and soybeans to be used for seed, because it is believed that when all these seeds are mixed with their own seeds, the yield will be good. What is special is that Cambodians believe that when everything goes through the ceremony, "Mongkol, Serey Soursdey, the yield will come.