ALL
shamanism
ICH Elements 11
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Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut
Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jeju’s harsh environmental features have made the islanders’ lives tough, inspiring respect for the sea. Dongguk Yeoji Seungnam (Augmented Survey of the Geography of Korea) of the Joseon Dynasty records, “As there is the custom of valuing licentious sacrifices, rites are held to honor the gods of forests, ponds, hills, trees and stones.” It can thus be inferred that many religious activities are conducted in Jeju. For Jeju islanders, the Yeongdeunggut rite is of special significance. When the time of Yeongdeung arrives, the rites are held throughout the island to plead for calm seas and abundant sea catches. Of all these rites, the one at the Chilmeoridang Shrine called the Jeju Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut is the most important. Its name implies that it is a rite for the goddess of wind only, but it is also a rite to worship village guardian gods and the Dragon King of the sea. While venerated, Yeongdeung also instills fear as she threatens people’s lives by stirring the sea. From early to mid-February when the goddess is present on the island, the sea is particularly turbulent. The islanders believe that as she leaves she removes all the contents of the shellfish. On the day of departure, however, the goddess also sows seeds along the shore to ensure people’s livelihood and the sea is purified to help the growth of the seeds. As such, importance has been attached to the time of her stay and people began to mark the occasion by performing a rite at the Chilmeoridang Shrine in supplication for safety and good sea harvests. Named after the village where it is located, the Chilmeoridang Shrine serves the goddess Yeongdeung and a couple, the Magistrate god and the sea goddess known as the Dragon King's Wife. The couple’s responsibilities are divided between the needs of the local residents (managed by the god) and the livelihood of fishermen and female divers (the domain of the goddess). The Chilmeoridang Shrine is where the Yeongdeung Welcome Rite is held on the 1st day of the second lunar month to mark the arrival of the goddess as well as the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite performed on the 14th. During this period, rituals for the mountain gods (dangje), which are performed in the first lunar month elsewhere in Korea, are carried out in other villages on Jeju Island. Only on Jeju are rituals for the mountain gods and rites for the goddess Yeongdeung combined into one shaman ritual, Yeongdeunggut. Compared to the simple Yeongdeung Welcome Rite, the Yeongdeung Farewell Rite is a sumptuous and more significant event. It is considered one of the most important of the shaman rituals and includes a rite for the Dragon King. The Welcome Rite begins with chogamje, a “calling of the gods” ceremony which involves greeting and inviting the gods to the shrine as well as reciting the participants’ names, followed by pungeoje, a “pleading for a good catch” ceremony, and ends with seoksalrimgut, a gut (shaman ritual) with a three-act play to entertain and appease the ancestral gods. The Farewell Rite also begins with the chogamje ceremony, but it also includes bonhyangdeum, an “entering the Village Shrine” ceremony. This involves asking the God and Goddess Couple to plead for the wellbeing of the village. The ritual includes three village officials offering drinks to the Couple and villagers asking that their wishes be granted. This is followed by chumul gongyeon, an “offering” ceremony in which drinks and rice cakes are offered to all the gods, a yowang maji, a “welcoming the Dragon King” ceremony, which is a special welcome for the Dragon King and the goddess Yeongdeung to ask them to ensure an abundant catch and safety at sea for the fishermen, and then by ssidrim, an “offering of seeds” ceremony in which fortunetelling is done with millet seeds and the sowing of seaweed seeds. Next comes the doaek mageum, “preventing disasters” ceremony that involves the throwing of a rooster to prevent disasters from happening in the village. There is also fortunetelling for the villagers and female divers. This is followed by the yeonggam nori, a play in which the village’s senior men launch a straw boat into the sea. The rite ends with the dosin, “sending the gods back” ceremony. Chilmeoridang Yeongdeunggut began to be widely known in 1980 as simbang (senior shaman) Ahn Sa-in was recognized as Skill Holder. At the time, the waves of modernization had resulted in a negative view of gut as being a dangerous superstition. However, the fishing people of Jeju, along with simbangs, went into deep valleys and sea caves to secretly offer up fervent prayers. Then, the ritual’s designation as an important intangible cultural heritage paved the way for its survival. Determined to revive the rite, Ahn Sa-in established an association with simbangs to safeguard the heritage. Among the founding members are the current Skill Holder Kim Yun-su, adviser Yang Chang-bo, and trainer Goh Sun-An. As Ahn, who had prevented the gut from disappearing on Jeju, passed away in 1990, Kim Yun-su was recognized as the second Skill Holder in 1995. There are currently 40 members. Although the rite is conducted by shamans, its real owners are female divers and ship owners, together called “dangol,” who prepare food for the rite and offer sacrifices to the gods. Starting from their early teens, the divers continue their work of collecting marine delicacies from the ocean floor, so their safety and abundance of the sea are their lifelong wish; and their existence helps maintain the Yeongdeunggut. Sending off the goddess Yeongdeung, the dangol prays: “When you leave, please sow seeds of turban shells, abalones, octopi and sea cucumbers so that we, the people who believe in the sea, can have an abundant sea catch.”
South Korea 2009 -
Chundu Soelchod or Soelkha: Invoking Chundu, a Local Deity
Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap. In the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle. People also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself. In Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.
Bhutan -
Semah, Alevi-Bektaşi ritual
Semah; originated from the Arabic word sema meaning heavens, fortune and hearing. Semahs are the most effective instruments for the transmission of Alevi-Bektaşi tradition. Semah is one of the main twelve services of the cem rituals which are considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents. It is possible to encounter various kinds of semahs across Turkey with different musical characteristics and rhythmic structures. The fact that there are variations in melodic and lyrical structure of semahs with the same name is an evident sign of the richness in semah culture. Centuries of oral transmission of semahs from generations to generations has enabled a rich diversity among semah culture. One of the main principles on which semahs are conceptualized is the unity with God which happens through a natural cycle. In this cycle man comes from God and goes back to God which resembles the circulation of the celestial bodies in the universe. However, man is the locus of this circulation. God is omnipresent and semah is the way to reach God. Hand and body motions in semahs have symbolical meanings. For instance, the motion in which one palm faces the sky while the other faces the earth is meant to say “You are God, we are the people, I come from You and hold your essence in me, I am not separated from You”. The motion in which palms first face the sky and then turned to the earth is meant to represent the same thought. When semahçıs (semah dancers) face each other just like in Tahtacı Semah it means that God is present in man and people facing each other will witness the divine beauty of God in man’s visage. The motion in which semahçı (semah dancers) turns the palm of his hand to his face represents man seeing his own beauty in the mirror and therefore he also witnesses the divine beauty of God. When both palms facing the sky are pulled towards the heart it is meant “God I am Man, so God is in me” or “God is in Man”. Semahs are categorized into two groups: 1- İçeri (private) semahs / Order semahs 2- Dışarı (public) semahs / Avare semahs İçeri Semahs (Order semahs): They are performed in Cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents) where 12 services are carried out. It is not desirable to perform içeri semahs in front of those without the faith. They are performed in three phases: - Ağırlama: The prologue with slow movements. - Yürütme: The phase when the semahs gets faster and livelier. - Yeldirme: The last phase when the semah is the fastest and hardest to perform. While this three-phase composition of semahs is very prevalent it is possible to see other kinds of performances as well. In some semahs it is very difficult to distinguish these phases from each other. Dışarı Semahs (Avare semahs, Yoz Semah or Mengis): They are performed independent of 12 services for the purposes of teaching the semah culture to younger generations or simply entertaining. Nevertheless, they are still loyal to semah principles. Dışarı semahs are mostly comprised of two phases; ağırlama and yürütme or ağırlama and yeldirme. Although semah performances vary according to regions, the main characteristics are common: - Semahs are performed by both women and men, - While semahçıs (semah dancers) in içeri semahs are limited in number there is no such restriction for dışarı semahs. - Semahçıs (semah dancers) start the semahs saluting and inviting each other. - While performing semah, semahçıs (semah dancers) are in a circular order or facing each other, without touching or holding. - Bağlama is usually the accompanying instrument to semahs but there are some regions where other rhythm instruments are also played during semahs. - While there is no specific attire to be worn in semahs it is not uncommon to wear traditional clothes in rural cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents). - When concluding semahs, dedes (spiritual leaders) usually say a prayer. - Transmission of semah occurs through the performance of the tradition. The basic characteristics and universal values reflecting the understanding of tradition bearers of Semah are as follows: -According to followers of Alevi-Bektaşi belief, every human being has a divine essence and they see man in unity with God called as the belief of “En-el Hak” which means “I’m God”. Thus, during the worship they prostrate towards one another. - Seeing man in unity with God, they internalize a humanist philosophy - According to Alevi-Bektaşi belief, sharing is of great importance in social life. “Musahiplik” (a kind of fellowship as regards to Alevi-Bektaşi belief) in which each individual chooses one another as a spiritual brother or sister committing to care for spiritual, emotional, physical and financial needs of each other, for the purpose of creating a type of communion intimately tied. - Alevi-Bektaşi believers object gender discrimination, therefore they pray side by side. - Alevi-Bektaşi followers consider offending human being as equal to offending God; hence, through establishing a kind of judging mechanism called “düşkünlük”, they use a sanction power over the members to prevent them from committing misdeeds. If one commits any of those, s/he is declared as “düşkün” (shunned) and temporarily or permanently excommunicated from the community or society. - The practices, traditional motifs and teachings are orally transmitted rather than written sources and distinct genres of art and literature particular to the tradition, thereby, have been created. - They practice their authentic worship and cultural transmission through expressions like lyrics, music and Semahs.
Turkey 2010 -
Yeondeunghoe, lantern lighting festival in the Republic of Korea
Inscribed in 2020 (15.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As the eighth day of the fourth lunar month (Buddha's Birthday) approaches, the entire country, from otherwise tranquil Buddhist temples to bustling city centers, lights up with colorful lanterns. A rite to celebrate Shakyamuni's birth is observed nationwide and public processions of people holding lanterns are held. Records associating Buddhism and the lotus lanterns dates back to the 9th-century according to Samguksagi(Histrory of the Three Kingdoms). And there are records showing that the lotus lantern festival was organized around Buddha’s birthday in the Goryeo dynasty(918-1392). Originally a religious ritual to celebrate Shakyamuni's birth, Yeondeunghoe has become a representative national spring festival open to all. Made of a bamboo frame, or a steel wire frame covered by traditional paper, the lanterns decorating Buddhist temples and public spaces are crafted by traditional artisans who share their knowledge and skills with lay participants. Members of the public can participate in the festival carrying lanterns they made to express good wishes not only for themselves and their families, but for their neighborhoods and the entire nation. The lighting lanterns also symbolizes enlightening the minds of the individuals, the communities, and the whole society through Buddha's wisdom. The primary element of the annual festival starts with bathing an image of the baby Buddha as a ritual celebrating Shakyamuni's birth. This sacred ritual is followed by a public procession of lantern-bearing participants. After completing the procession, participants gather for recreational events. The spirit of unity culminates in collective game activities as social boundaries are temporarily erased.
South Korea 2020 -
Pawo/Jhakri: Hindhu Shaman
Jhakri or Dhami is a local name for the person who does the traditional ritual to cure the patient. During ancient times, in the absence of medical science, people used to treat the patient through traditional therapy by performing a ritual known as Chhimta, Jhakri. The history of becoming a Jhakri is related to the story of Lord Shiva and his wife Parvati. Goddess Sati took birth on earth as the daughter of King Himavat and Queen Mena. Narad Muni, (a storyteller who carries news and enlightening wisdom) came to look at the baby and declared she is destined to marry Shiva. While growing up, she would lose herself thinking about Lord Shiva. So when Parvati was of marriageable age, she went to the Himalayas to perform penance and appease Lord Shiva and marry him. Lord Shiva was impressed by her devotion and knew about her desire, and he married her. After living together for years, one day Lord Shiva was seriously ill and couldn't be cured for so long. Gradually Lord Shiva came to know that the main cause was because of Parvati. She is believed to be witchcraft (Sondray in Dzongkha and Bogshi in Lhotshamkha). Then Lord Shiva shared with his in-law. His in-law conveyed the idea that her soul/mind will become cleansed if the witchcraft gets out of her soul. The situation was unfathomable to solve, in the course of time Lord Shiva and his in-law tried with an idea to cease the witchcraft of Parvati. One day Parvati was stirring over something out of her attention. Suddenly, his in-law shouted in front of her and said PHAAT!!! Perceptibly, she was horrified by sound and her witchcraft dissipated. So it is said that the evolution of Jhakri started from that moment. So this story was shared by most of the interviewees. Moreover, it has another continuous story to be shared as per Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, a senior citizen of Dzomling chiwog. Once there came a person called Jangali (another name for Jhakri) to meet Lord Shiva who was seriously ill for so long. So Jangali sat to the right of Lord Shiva and Parvati to the left. Jangali came with the Tiger grass (Botanical name: Thysanolaena latifolia) to treat Shiva by using the leaves. The treatment was akin to showing the magic. Jangali swallowed that leaf in his mouth and showed it from his bottom. Then Parvati was asked to swallow the tiger grass leaf. As she swallowed the leaf, it stuck halfway down her throat, and was finding it difficult to swallow completely. Then the Jangali asked her to cough out the leaf with full force. When Parvati coughed out with full force the leaf came out and along with it witched. As a result, the leaf left a mark on Parvati’s teeth. So this is a story regarding the evolution of Jhakri. To become a Jhakri is not the core profession of a person who can endure or learn it. Rather it's the prophecy given by Lord Shiva who has the virtue to treat people whenever they are sick. When a person who is destined to be a Jhakri, is born with the wisdom of Jhakri, he usually suffers from various illnesses at a young age. The symptoms include frequent stomach ache, headache, dizziness, back pain, and shivering body which cannot be controlled. In a few cases, the person destined to be a Jhakri even has hallucinations. They will not know the causes yet the illness continues for three to four years. According to Mr. Manbir Khadal, 65-year-old Jhakri said that if a person is destined to be a Jhakri, he behaves very strangely even when in the mother’s womb. He also added that Manbir’s mother had experienced extensive fetal movement and unusual shivering from the premature baby. The divination of a Jhakri will be only born to the person who stays clean, mentally pure, and physically healthy. It sometimes can be related to a person reincarnated as a great lama or Truelku in Buddhism since Jhakri will also be able to predict the past life of a person. Mr. Manbir Khadal also says that with time Jhakri is rarely born. “The current Jhakris’ are all born before 1990. Some of them already immigrated to other countries after the 1990s problem in southern Bhutan”. Locals shared the importance of having Dhami in their locality because if the patient is sick for a long duration, they get other ways of treating when hospital medicine does not cure them. So, the practice of the Jhakri ritual is still believed and endured by the people across the country as per Deo Maya, the wife of Dhami Manbir Khadal. She says that if a person is suffering from dizziness, and back pain when they are grieved by the local deities/divinity, and if the illness is caused by the evil spirits, they instantly come to visit her husband to do the ritual. Mr. Manbir Khadal had been living in his current village, that is lower Dzomling, for his entire life and his parents too. After he was recognized as a Jhakri, he treated countless patients from different parts of our country. From this we can conclude that the people balance their beliefs in both medical science and spiritual therapy. He said, “A few weeks ago, a quadriplegia (paralyzed from the waist down) girl with her family came to do the Jhakri ritual at my house. When she was coming down towards my house, her guardian was carrying her on his back. After doing the Jhakri ritual, she was alright and able to walk without support.” which means we can say that people still believe in the traditional healing therapy practice in this modern world.
Bhutan -
Yak-lai: Propitiation of Yak god
A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.
Bhutan -
Trần Thương Temple Festival, Hà Nam Province
Trần Thương Temple Festival commemorates the death anniversary of Saint Trần Hưng Đạo, a national hero.This is a cultural event held in the community to verenate and honor sacred and real figures in the national history like Saint Trần Hưng Đạo. He is a national hero who defeated foreign invaders then was considered as a Saint to support communities to have a prosperous and happy life. Trần Thương Temple Festival is famous for its typical ceremonies like water procession, palanquin procession, food delivery. Especially, there are performances of spirit mediumship with some shamanism practices in Trần Thương Temple Festival.
Viet Nam -
Mongolian traditional practices of worshipping the sacred sites
Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.
Mongolia 2017 -
Mongolian traditional Tsam dance
Tsam is a complex cultural, religious and healing ritual consisting of dance movements, tantric prayers and meditation. Originating in India and Tibet, it has been enriched with diverse Mongol cultural elements, including heroic figures of folk myths and epics, elements of shamanism and archaic religious phenomena. Tsam dance is a Buddhist monastic tradition, its form differing according to the deity and traditions of the particular monastery or locality, but it has become a staged performance beginning in 1811.
Mongolia -
Pawo: Shaman
Part of the Bon tradition that still exists in Bhutan is the practice of shamanism. Shamans are sought out in times of illness, misfortune, or for divination. The practice of shamanism is common in almost all regions and is referred to differently in each region. It is also distinguished by ethnic groups, which can be divided into three major regions. Shamanism in Bhutan, as in other parts of the world, is deeply rooted in religion and involves supernatural powers. Since the practice of shamanism is based on religion, the religious origin and affiliation of the practice of shamanism in western and eastern Bhutan is Buddhism, while in the south it is Hinduism. There are two types of Bon practices: Bonkar and Bon nag. While Bonkar does not require animal sacrifice, Bon nag requires blood and animal sacrifice. Bon nag is virtually non-existent in Bhutan now that Buddhism is widely practiced. Popular shamanistic practices in the east include Pawo (male medium), Pamo (female medium), and Jab (Possessor or a deity). Nel-jorm (term for Pawo and Pamo in the West), Terda (male medium), and Jomo (jab of the East) are practiced primarily in the West. In the south, Jak-ri/Dha-mi is practiced, which is further divided into four categories: Ban-jhak-ri (abduction by a wild shaman), Naag-mata (female shaman), Ghalley-pawo (practiced by the Ghalley caste), and Rai-pawo (practiced by the Rai caste). Pawo Tashi Penjor (60) from the Shaba Gewog (block) under Paro Dzongkhag (district) has been a shaman for almost 21 years and is a well-known figure in the Gewog. His services are also sought by people from other Dzongkhags. During the Thangka Bonko, the Pawo asks the deity for help for the welfare of the community and for peace and prosperity. A shaman does not become a shaman by choice or interest. It is not necessarily hereditary. It depends on the choice of the deity or god. Before a person is identified as a shaman, he or she falls seriously ill and is confirmed by a divination from a lamb. After that, the person dedicates himself to a Yidam (protective deity) who is able to guide the person to a good Pawo. Pawo Tashi Penjor also became a shaman at the age of thirty and continues to assist the community with psychological and healing tasks. According to him, people continue to seek the help of shamans while seeking the assistance of technology and science. The amount people offer him does not deter him, whether it is small or large, because he only wants to help people. People seek the help of a shaman in times of illness, misfortune, or accidents that are beyond the control of medicine or other forms of intervention. A shaman acts as a medium between the people and the spirits or gods. He invokes the god or spirit, finds the causes of the illness and misfortune, and makes predictions about the actions or solutions. On such occasions, shamans are either invited to their homes, or they are performed only at the shaman's place. It is also performed during local village festivals or events such as Bon-kor, when the intervention of the Pawo or Nel-jorm is required. In such cases, the shamans help the village or community by predicting unforeseen mishaps or epidemics and suggesting appropriate solutions. On such occasions, shamanism is performed in a common place, either in a village Lhakhang (temple) or in a designated open space where local festivals are held.
Bhutan -
Mongolian shamanistic traditions
Shamanism is one of the oldest forms of religion in Mongolia. The main rite of shamanism is to worship and sacrifice the heaven. Shamanism venerates the blue sky and green earth. In shamanism, there are total 99 deities, including 55 deities (Tenger) of the west who are well disposed towards humans and 44 deities (Tenger) of the east who cause all misfortunes. The shamanic rites seek to invoke the ninety-nine deities, to whom offerings are made. There are also the mountain-rites, cairn-rites, and tree-rites and spring-rites, all of which are related to the traditions and rituals of worshipping the earth as Mother. Together with them, there are the fire–rites, ancestor-rites, saddle-thongs rites, destiny-rites, and horse-rites.
Mongolia