Askiya (in Arabic – “azkiya”, literally means “witty”, “resourceful”) is an original genre of folk-spectacular art, and oral folk creativity, which evolved and became widespread in the Ferghana Valley and Tashkent region. As a result of continuous evolution it achieved the level of art. Askiya is an original eloquence and witticism contest organized between two or more people around particular topic or theme (which is called by askiya performers as payrov). In so doing, askiya performers use simple words in different meanings and for different purposes. They joke open-heartedly and in a friendly manner, laugh at some unusual situations and flaws observed or run across in the daily life of their contemporaries. Not to offend his rival the performer (askiyachi or askiyaboz) has to use carefully and skillfully each word and phrase during askiya. At present more than thirty forms of askiya are known. These include payrov, qofiya, radif, bakhribayt, tutal, okhshatdim, afsona, rabbiya, safsata, chiston, laqab, gulmisiz, bulasizmi, shirinkor and terma. Although, each of the above-mentioned forms conform to common requirements peculiar to askiya art genre, still each has its own distinguishing features.

Uzbekistan 2014

Bumchod is an important annual religious ritual that makes offerings to the local deities in the village communities of Jarey, Wayang, and Changkhala of Jarey Gewog within Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Held at Jarey Temple for one full day on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month every year, the event consists of ritual prayers to two local deities – Nep Drakpa Gyaltshen and Tsan Kyibu Lungtsan; as well as the protective deity Gonpo Mani. The ritual prayers give thanks to these deities for their ongoing blessing and for the good health, good harvest, prosperity, peace, and harmony in the community over the past year. Bumchod also seeks similar blessings in the coming year. This ceremony is part of a divine sanction that gives the community authority and power as long as the local residents make timely and sufficient offerings to appease the deities. The event brings all Jarey residents—regardless of social status, age, or gender—together to celebrate the shared history that the ritual constructs. It offers community members a break from the trials of farming activities and raises the sense of communal co-existence and harmony. Elaborate ritual activities like Bumchod requires the community to rally as sponsors and supporters for the success of the planned works. These Tsawa or hosts carry out the organization and coordination of Bumchod. In the past, this festival was conducted by Jarey Nagtshang alone, but later the Gulibee household became one of the sponsors as the ritual branched out from Jarey Nagtshang family; and further as Jabung Bardhangpa also became sponsor being Threlpa (a tax-paying household). Thus, these three households used to conduct the Bumchod ritual in turn. Later, new households proliferated in and around Jarey, and today all these households actively take part in the Bumchod as Tsawa and even some households from Wayang and Changkhala villages participate as Tsawa in turn. Different households from three main villages – Jarey, Changkhala and Wayang– form a broad Tsawa group which is sub-divided into four groups by household wise: first group consist of Jarey Nagtshang, Manchulung, Tsabgang, Artobee, two households from Mregdong and Umling; the second group consist of Gulibee, Tashiling, Kyiranag, Manbingla, two households from Korbee, Trinta zhing, Dunphog and Godpodung; third group consist of Gonpa, Bardhang, Thekarla, Kyerchemey, Khomdhang zhing; and the fourth group is some households from Changkhala and Wayang villages. The contributions of cash and kind are collected from each household in their turn as sponsors. The food provisions collected are rice, butter/oil, cheese, vegetables, local wine, etc. and cash amounting to about Nu. 3000/- is collected to meet expenses for Chagyeb (offering for ritual performers) and for whatever needs to be purchased. On the day of Bumchod, all necessary arrangements preparing in the kitchen and serving food to ritual performers and guests have to be made by the sponsor Tsawa. In case they have a shortage of manpower, they can hire people from other households. It is customary that at least a one member from each household who are not the day’s sponsor come to pay respect to Bumchod ritual as guests of the Tsawa, at which time they make some contributions like butter, cheese, local wine and then present them to the Bumchod Tsawa; and in response and gratitude the Tsawa members host them lunch and dinner. It is also customary that each household brings freshly fruiting crops like chili, maize, rice from their field and then offers it to the local deities in the temple.

The national dress for men is Gho and Kira for women. Gho is a one-piece outfit pulled up to knee-length and fastened with a belt called kera at the waist, leading to formation of an enormous pouch across the belly. Men’s belt is a striped hand woven textile using plain cotton or wool on a card loom. It has fringes at both the ends. Kira is a rectangular ankle-length robe wrapped around the body, tied at the waist with a wide woven belt, and fastened at the shoulders by a pair of shoulder brooches called koma. A necklace-like chain called the jabtha holds together the pair of koma. Jabtha also makes an attractive ornament. Women’s kera is made of cotton woven on card looms with intricate silk designs of varying colours. Elderly women wear the broad kera in three folds. The female kera has also fringes at both the ends. The weft thread used is commonly thicker than the base fabric used. Women also wear a toego (short, loose jacket) over the kira. Toego can be made from any kind of material and be in any colour. Women also wear a garment called wonju under the kira. Commonly made from silk or polyester, the wonju is a loose, wrap-over long-sleeved blouse. The semi-nomadic herders of the high valleys of Merak, Sakten and Laya and some other ethnic communities do not traditionally wear the gho and kira. They have a unique dress, lifestyle and language, and their own weaving specialty. In an effort to preserve and promote cultural heritage, all Bhutanese are required to wear the national dress in government offices, schools and on formal occasions. Necklace: Traditionally, a necklace is also a part of the costume of a Bhutanese woman, and a woman who is not wearing a necklace is considered to be incompletely attired. Therefore, women make it a point to wear necklaces, especially during celebrative occasions. When a woman is dressing, she puts on her necklace at the very end, to complete the outfit. Necklaces of precious stones are passed down from mother to daughter. A traditional Bhutanese necklace consists of a string of beads of various stones such as coral, turquoise, onyx, pearl, agate, and many more. The necklace may reach almost to the waist. If the woman is very rich and possesses many precious stones, she will choose to wear more than one necklace at a time. Since public gatherings and celebrative occasions provide formal platforms for display of wealth and/or position in society, women make it a point to wear as much as they possess. Sword For hundreds of years Bhutan suffered from territorial invasion as well as internal strife and civil war, challenges which were countered by our pazaps (militia), and senior officials. In earlier times, those who performed well in battle were awarded a sword in recognition of their show of courage, valour and success. Once the monarchy was established those officials who served the king and the country with utmost dedication and patriotic zeal were awarded pata (sword) and red scarf (bura marp) in recognition of their selfless service. Awarding kabney along with pata is, therefore, the sole prerogative of the monarch. The awardee is then addressed as a ‘Drasho’, which literally means ‘the best’ as they are exemplary people. Therefore, this award symbolises secular responsibility — the preparedness to fight any enemy harming the interest of the Tsa-wa-sum (the king, the country, and the people) and to safeguard the country and its cultural traditions. Kabney When Gautama Buddha administered vinaya rules at the first sermon, the five chief disciples first wore kabney as a mark of respect to the Buddha. Later, when Guru Rinpoche (Guru Padsambhava) visited Bumthang in the 8th century and sowed the seeds of faith in the dharma, he instructed people not to take the lives of others, and gave ge-nyen vows (vow of lay devotee). He instructed his devotees to wear rezen or kabney as a sign of their having become followers of Buddhism or taking precepts. While dharma practitioners wore red coloured kabney as a mark of following the dharma teachings, ordinary people wore white coloured kabney as a mark of safeguarding the country — their secular duty. Today, we wear kabney as a part of our national dress in accordance with the code of driglam namzha. The smaller scarf worn by women is called rachu. Kabney is a large, fringed scarf (about 90 by 300 cm), which is worn with one half placed over the left shoulder and the other half drawn across the back, below the right arm and across the body, then caught in a loop made by folding the lower part of the left end over it and then throwing the left end over the left shoulder. When the kabney is correctly placed, the right side should loop down at equal level to the hem of the gho, and the two sides should come together at the left breast. There is considerable variation in how the kabney is actually worn, but what is written here describes how it should be worn. Bhutanese at all social levels wear kabney as a part of formal wear along with the national dress, gho. Wearing kabney marks respect for sacred objects and higher authorities, and symbolises the position or rank of officers serving in the government. Scarves worn by women in place of the male kabney are called rachu. These much smaller, colourful, decoratively woven scarves can be worn draped over both shoulders with the two fringed edges falling from the chest, or can be folded in half and placed over the left shoulder with the fringes falling from the chest. Women in general wear rachu by making a fold in the centre and placing the rachu over the left shoulder. Besides kabney and rachu, there are other variants used by religious practitioners. Those worn by lams and monks are called zen or rezen and the one worn over their rezen is called choe-gho. The rezen is worn all the time over the robe but the choe-gho is worn only during special religious occasions. Similarly, the one worn by ngagpas (tantric practitioners) is called ber or dagam; and the one used by togdenpas (adepts) is called rey or rekar and khamar. Kabney and rachu are worn to pay respect to sublime masters or leaders, and to sacred objects enshrined in the dzongs, monasteries and temples. They are also worn as a symbol of official position. The colour of the kabney determines the official rank of the bearer. Traditional Boot Bhutan’s traditional footwear is a kind of boot worn as high as the knee, the upper, cloth part of which is then held and tied by a narrow strap below the knee. Dra-lham, thru-lham karchung and tshoglham are three different types of traditional footwear and form an important part of Bhutanese national costume. Dra-lham are worn by the senior monks in the monasteries. They are similar to tshoglham but red in colour. Thru-lham karchung derives its name from the white colour of the ben (section just above the ankle) which is highly visible from a distance. The traditional boot worn by the general public is called tshoglham. The thil or sole of the boot used to be made from hard leather, but these days tshoglham usually have rubber soles. Above the sole, two layers of red and white leather (or rubber) make the drilden. Above the drilden is the ri karchu, on which comes the ben in different colours. The ben, is yellow, orange, red, blue or green according to the official position of the wearer. Yellow ben is reserved only for the king and the head abbot (the Je Khenpo); orange is for ministers, red is for senior officials, blue is for members of parliament (both houses) and green is for the general public. The cloth part above the ben is generally black or blue silk brocade. It is mandatory to wear thru-lham or tshoglham as a part of formal national dress during any formal occasions.

The Dombra is a musical two-stringed instrument, which occupies a special place in Kazakhs’ hearts. The National Dombyra Day has been included in the list of national holidays since 2018 by the decree of the President of Kazakhstan. This was done in in order to further consolidate society around the idea of preserving and reviving national culture and identity. The holiday is celebrated annually on the first Sunday of July. Traditional Kazakh dombra kuy (kaz 'kuy') - instrumental play performed on dombra - a traditional pear-shaped musical instrument with two strings and a long neck. The true meaning of kuy execution dates back to the sacred relationship with the Creator and the desire to establish the internal harmony of the individual. Kazakhs say 'Kuy - Tanyrdyn sybyry' ('Kuy - a whisper of Tengri'). Dombra had been hung on the wall of each nomad house (yurta) for the play before guests and home owners. Kazakhstan’s First President Nursultan Nazarbayev established National Dombra Day on June 12th, 2018. It immediately became a favorite holiday for people and was widely celebrated nationwide with music competitions and festivals. During next celebration in 2019, President Tokayev noted that this day represents the nation’s course towards spiritual modernization and putting value on Kazakh traditions. The music of the Kazakh folk instrument dombra tells the history of its people and the centuries-old chronicle of the great steppe. “The nobility and generosity of Kazakh people are represented in music and kyuis (musical compositions). The culture and art of our people do not exist without dombra. Kyuis have always elevated the national spirit,” said Tokayev. The President also thanked musicians who worked to popularize traditional Kazakh music. In years 2020-2021 people celebrated Dombra Day from home due to the coronavirus pandemic. “This day gives us a deep appreciation of our national arts. The sacred instrument brings us its melody through symphony and opera, becoming an integral part of classical art,” Minister of Culture and Sports Aktoty Raimkulova wrote on her Instagram. The Kyui-Live online contest was held by the Department of Culture, Archives and Documentation in the Akmola Region. More than 30 performers of different ages and professions took part in the competition and posted their videos on social media. All the winners received prizes and diplomas. The Kazakh people also celebrated Dombra Day in other countries. QazAlliance, the Alliance dedicated to supporting Kazakh people living abroad, launched the World Dombra Festival project, reported the alliance on its Facebook. Dombra players from 25 countries and 36 cities took part in the project and congratulated Kazakhstan on Dombra Day.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Makgeolli is a traditional Korean alcoholic beverage made from rice or other grains that is purported to date back to the introduction of farming on the Korean Peninsula. Terms purported to denote this milky and lightly effervescent rice wine are included in literary compilations from the Goryeo Dynasty. Cookbooks from the Joseon period such as Gyuhap chongseo and Eumsik dimibang offer detailed recipes for makgeolli. Joseon-era novels contain mentions of the drink as well. Makgeolli can be made easily and at low cost simply with rice, water, and the fermentation starter nuruk. Its simplicity and affordability have made the milky rice wine widely available, leading it to become deeply engrained in the everyday lives of the Korean people. Makgeolli quenched the thirst of farmers throughout the working season. Korean farm laborers used to say, "If it all pays the same, I'd rather offer a hand to the farmhouse serving the most delicious makgeolli." Makgeolli was also an indispensable element in ritual ceremonies and celebrations or mourning. Many traditions featuring makgeolli as a ritual drink have been transmitted to the present. The milky rice wine is still presented as an offering in diverse modern ceremonies commemorating, for example, the completion of a building, purchase of a new car, or opening of shops. A popular drink widely consumed nationwide, makgeolli was one of the fermented foods made by individual households up to the end of the Joseon era. Along with other definitive Korean fermented foods such as kimchi and soybean-based sauces, makgeolli was brewed in individual households, meaning a distinctive taste could be passed down in each one. Starting in the 20th century, makgeolli production gradually switched to commercial breweries and the ingredients underwent a natural course of change. Makgeolli has evolved as it adapted to sociocultural conditions. The popularity of this traditional Korean rice wine has surged since 2000. There is also a growing number of people brewing their own these days. (A liquor tax order issued in 1916 under Japanese colonial rule restricted the domestic production of alcoholic drinks. In 1995 home-made alcoholic beverages were legalized again.) The tradition of making and sharing makgeolli has been designated as National Intangible Cultural Heritage for its cultural, historical, social, and academic values. As a form of popular culture, this element has entered the national heritage list without the usual recognition of its holders.

Disclaimer : ‘Bioscope, A Cinema with Solo Performance’ is not an element officially designated by the government of Bangladesh and thus tentatively named by ichLinks secretariat to introduce the cultural expression with the name indicated above. We welcome your valuable comments and feedback about ‘Bioscope, A Cinema with Solo Performance’ and its information presented on this page. A bioscope is a box made of either wood or corrugated board in which one can load movie films, paintings, and still photographs on twin rotors. The twin rotors are made capable of rotating from the top with the help of a steering handle. Slides are fixed onto a cloth that functions as a screen. The cloth is attached to two sides of the box and hung on the handle. When the handle is turned, the slides appear in the screen one after the other to viewers that watch them through lenses in the bioscope. Bioscopes help to travel through the rural areas of Bangladesh and enjoy its old traditions anytime and anywhere. Bioscopes used to be a popular form of entertainment for rural residents before the radio, television, and computers were introduced to Bangladesh. Everyone enjoyed looking through bioscopes regardless of age. When a bioscope man showed images accompanied by stories, people felt as though they were watching movies. Bioscopes had social and cultural implications in the lives of those living in the rural areas. Gathering around a bioscope operator, people shared their joys and sorrows, building close relationships and confidence among one another. However, due to the development of modern technology as well as the arrival of new means of communication, bioscopes are now on the verge of extinction.

“Pinisi”, literally referring to the rig and sails of the famed ‘Sulawesi schooner’, for both the Indonesian and international public has become the epitome of the Archipelago’s indigenous sailing craft. Construction and deployment of such vessels stand in the millennia-long tradition of Austronesian (‘Malayo-Polynesian’) boatbuilding and navigation that brought forth a broad variety of sophisticated watercraft, ranging from the outriggered boats that enabled man to migrate throughout the vast expanses of the Pacific and Indian Oceans to the massive ships encountered by the first European intruders into the Malay Archipelago. As in any maritime tradition, these practices involve sophisticated cognitive concepts that outline the three-dimensional form of a ship and its countless components as well as the advanced social organisation necessary to successfully build, operate and navigate trading vessels. Following centuries of mutual co-operation, the three communities now represent the pinnacle of the Archipelago’s boatbuilding and navigation traditions. In indigenous perception a ship’s hull is conceptionalised in the form of ‘plank patterns’ (tatta), i.e., comprehensive mental routines that delineate the configuration and assembly sequence of a hull’s planking, her inner strengthenings and the dowels holding planks and framing together. Deeply embedded into a series of rituals that complement the building process, these routines for many a traditional type of vessel define position, form and size of each plank, frame or dowel in a hull; for more contemporary ships the tatta provides an overall draught that can be adapted to changing constructional demands, thus facilitating perpetuation and enhancements.

Indonesia 2017

a) Traditional handicraft techniques The old art of manufacturing the traditional Iranian floating vessel, called Lenj, has remained relatively unchanged. Lenjes are, mostly, made for their large cargo capacity. The Lenj-Bum was, once, the best ship for the Iranian sailors and navigators. Even now, it is still competing with rivals. But the gradual decrease in the number of the long voyages is limiting the popularity of the vessel. Lenj-Bum is capable of tolerating the storms. Originally, Lenjes were used in commercial travels to distant destinations, including India and Africa. Lenjes are composed of various parts, each made of special types of wood, depending on their function. Contemporarily, Lenjes are used, solely, for short journeys, fishing and pearl hunting. Older Lenjes were capable of travelling for, even, one year. The Persian sailors used to launch their commercial ships from the three ports of Loft, Kong and Lian, in Bushehr. The marine routes were, however, more varified, and would include travels to Basra in Iraq, or to the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. Their main trades included dates, wood of Chandal, pottery, coconut and fruits. b) Knowledge and practices concerning the nature and the universe Before the introduction into the tradition of modern positioning systems, Iranian navigators could locate the ship according to the positions of the sun, the moon and the stars. An individual, called Moallem (“teacher; guide”), was responsible for the positioning jobs on the Lenj. Looking at the sun and the stars with his means, including the Persian astrolabe and sextant, at 6 AM and 6 PM, he could locate the Lenj on the sea. Navigation at night was the captain’s duty. He would order a Sokkāni (“helmsman”) to lead the ship into the direction of a specified star till the moment of sunrise. Compasses brougth more convenience for the navigators. They could define the routes more delicately, by utilizing a combination of astronomy and the newly introduced compass technology. The sailors started to record the stars’ specifications on the compasses. Using this combined method, they would define the route at night. The number of stars used as reference points was 17; they would be repeated in both northern abd southen directions round the compasses. The navigational knowledge and legacy is still passed on from fathers to sons. The Iranian navigators also had special formulae to measure the latitudes and longitudes, as well as the water depth. Sailors needed the wind in favour in their travels to the south; they would arrange for their voyages according to the seasonal winds that would blow every 6 months from north to south. They also attended to the particular winds of Persian Gulf to find a forecast for weather. Each wind had a native regional name. Knowing the wind route was not enough to trace the time of a pending storm; they also attended to the color of waters, the wave heights, or the nature of the blowing wind. c and d) Performing arts, Social practices and festivity events The majority of the Iranian inhabitants of the region earn their livelihood from the sea; consequently, the Persian Gulf continues to receive their respect. A number of traditional ceremonies and customs about Lenjes and the sea show their rooted symbiosis with nature. Nowruz-e-Sāyyad (Fisherman’s New Year) is one example. The celebration occurs late in the month of Tir (June 22nd), as a surviving traditional ceremony from the distant years. No fishing, no trades, and no sea journeys are allowed on this day. In the morning, the children colour animal foreheads, with red clay; and by sunset, all villagers gather on the seashore to play music or perform the proceedings of Shushî, an old traditional performing art, showing the sailors’ respect for the nature. Some people wear special clothes and masks, and try to represent sea-gulls. When the native music band plays Rezif (the sailors’ traditional music), suddenly, a number of men with fearful appearances come out of the sea, and pretend to attack the people. They are Shushi’s, the old demons who were asleep, and now the new years’ eve has awakend them. Interestingly, the people enter dialogues with these demons, and encourage them to join in the feast. Bādebān-Keshi (“setting the sail”) is another surviving ceremony. Long ago, when the ships were about to leave for long voyages, by the time the sailors were setting the sails, the music would accompany from the shore. The sailor’s families would bid farewell. Specific music and rhythms constitute inseparable parts of sailing on the Persian Gulf. In the past, the sailors sang special songs while they were working. In Hormozgan province, three such musical traditions are, still, attended by the locals: Livā, Rezif and Azvā. The singers describe a marine travel in their songs. Traditional bagpipes, named Neyanbān, accompany. The ritualistic performances are reminiscent of the jobs on the Lenjes. The movements resemble hoisting the ropes, rowing, holding in the fishing nets, and also separating and classifying the fish. e) Oral traditions and expressions, including languages as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage There are traditional sailing terminologies, stories and poems (Sharve) related to the nominated element in modern Iranian languages and dialects of the region. These linguistic varieties are representable as: 1.Lārestanî :(Aradi,Evazi,Bastaki,Banāruye-yi,Bikhe-yi,Khonji,Fedāghi,Fishvari,Gerāshi and Lāri) 2.Bashākerdî/Bashkardî :(Bandar-Abbāsi,Rudāni,Minābi and Hormozi) 3.Kumzārî :(Lāraki, …)

Iran 2011

Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival is a traditional practice which is composed of a set of rituals and can be traced back to middle ages. Emerged in XIVth century Rumelia (Southwestern part of Turkey), Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is one of the world’s oldest festivals (648 years). 648th Kırkpınar Oil wrestling Festival was organized in Edirne, in 2009. Festival ceremonies last for three days. The festival is launched by the welcoming ceremony of Kırkpınar Aga with 40 davul-zurna bands in front of Edirne Municipality Building. The festival activities then move on ceremonial procession in the city center followed by moment of silence ceremony, singing the Kırkpınar anthem and visiting the ‘Cemetery of Pehlivans’. The “golden belt”, which the Chief Pehlivan (Baş Pehlivan) will be rewarded with, is carried during the ceremonial procession. The festival starts on Friday, which is regarded as holy by the Muslims. The reason for choosing Holy Friday as the first day of the festival is the tradition of reciting mevlid (prayer) for the pehlivans. The “mevlid” is recited in historical Selimiye Mosque by the participation of all pehlivans. The events continue with the wrestling of pehlivans on an arena built exclusively for the festival in the outside of the city centre, Men’s Field (Er Meydanı) is the place where the oil wrestling is held as a customary practice of Pehlivan wrestling. Oiling of pehlivans in the field and Peşrev, which consists of a series harmonized warming up exercises and salutation, are important rituals of the festival. The festival goes on with the introduction of the pehlivans by cazgırs and at the end of the third day, the festival closes with the awarding of Kırkpınar Golden Belt to the winner called Chief Pehlivan. A band of 40 davul-zurna players perform ‘Kırkpınar tunes’ throughout the festival. What distinguishes Kırkpınar from any other wrestling festival is its rich cultural form which preserved its traditional image for centuries. Attracting people from all regions of Turkey, Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling Festival contributes greatly to social peace along with a sense of cultural cohesion. Such a rooted tradition which is sustained by the groups, communities and individuals contributes to dissemination of intangible cultural heritage concept as well. Kırkpınar can be considered as a fair with its authentic objects (red-bottomed candles, kıspets, local traditional clothes, peşgirs, zembils -a kind of tool for carrying the kıspet, tools for oil, davuls and zurnas, golden belt), rituals (praying, mevlid tradition, peşrev and oiling) and cultural identities ( pehlivan figure) (pehlivan, Kırkpınar agası (main sponsor), cazgır). Main Elements of the Festival Pehlivans Wrestlers who oil themselves are called pehlivans. The figure of pehlivan is an important element of cultural identity for Turkish people. Pehlivans are exemplary figures in the society with their attributes like generosity, honesty, adherence to traditions and customs and respectfulness. Therefore, the most chivalrous pehlivans or pehlivans that display the best peşrev are also rewarded. Pehlivans are trained in master-apprentice tradition. All the wrestlers in the festival are called ‘pehlivan’. The ultimate winner of the Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling is called Chief Pehlivan of Turkey and he carries the golden belt for one year’s period. The wrestler, who becomes chief pehlivan for three consecutive years, also becomes the owner of the golden belt. Kırkpınar Aga Concept of aga is one of the most fundamental elements of Kırkpınar Oil-Wrestling. The concept of Aga is regarded as an institutional identity. As pehlivans, agas are also considered as exemplary figures in the society who adhere to traditions. Kırkpınar Aga is officially recognized by the state and thus a car with a red plate (a type of official plate) written Kırkpınar Aga on is specifically allocated to the Aga. This red plate is valid at least for one year during the period of Agalık. Following the festival opening, agalık for next year is announced. The one who offers to make the highest financial contribution to cover the festival costs is designated as Kırkpınar Aga for the next year. This tradition is one of the most important elements as regards to the sustainability of the festival. Kırkpınar Aga is the main sponsor of the festival events. Cazgır Also known as salavatçıs, cazgırs introduce all the pehlivans to the audience citing their names, titles, skills in verse format and through prayers and they start the match. They are also supposed to introduce the opponents to each other after the pairing up, praying and informing both sides about the strong points each opponent has with advices. They need to have a fine strong voice and be able to improvise prayers in verse. Cazgırs strive to maintain unity within the field and bring the pehlivans together in a common spirit. Their talks inspire and excite the people around. They utter prayers called salavat in a musical style which catalyzes the enthusiasm of the participants. Cargırs are acknowledged as a profession and they come from a master-apprentice tradition. Davul - Zurna players As another essential element of oil wrestling festival, davul-zurna players are trained in masterapprentice tradition. Kırkpınar music which is known as pehlivan tunes is played exclusively in this festival. A group of 40 davul-zurna players perform during the festival. In Edirne, three different associations have been established to perform musical pieces for Kırkpınar Festival. During the festival, davul-zurna band performs in traditional dresses. Instruments of Kırkpınar Oil Wrestling ▶Kıspet Kıspet is the basic outfit of a pehlivan. They are a kind of thick trousers made of water buffalo or cow leather. Currently, kıspet is tailored by a limited number of masters in Çanakkale and Samsun provinces. ▶Zembil Zembil, a traditional handcraft, which is a hand-made instrument produced on a special reed workbench. Zembil is only made and used for carrying the kıspet. ▶Red Bottomed Candle This candle is the official symbol of invitation for Kırkpınar. In the past these candles were hung in coffee houses of towns and villages to indicate the townsfolk were invited to the Kırkpınar.

Turkey 2010

The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.

China 2011

Chapei Dang Veng (hereafter Chapei) is a popular musical tradition found in Cambodian society. The singing of Chapei is accompanied by a long necked lute Chapei from which the tradition takes its name. Chapei is closely interwoven with the life, traditional customs and beliefs of the Cambodian people. The instrument itself is used in two eminent ancient ensembles,'Pleng Araek' (Spirit Music) and 'Pleng Kar Boran' (Traditional Wedding Music) both of which are endangered forms themselves. Chapei performers are generally male, although there are no restrictions regarding gender or social class. Chapei players are not only musically adept, but also witty, intelligent, and quick to adapt and improvise. They should be well-versed in language, literature, and poetry, and a good story teller. From 1975 to 1979, the Khmer Rouge regime systematically annihilated and destroyed any form of intellectual activity including traditional arts. As a result many traditions such as Chapei disappeared from the scene together with the people performing them. Only two grand masters of Chapei survived this gruesome period and together with some other masters and their students are trying to revive the art form today.

Cambodia 2016

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Beopseongpo Danoje is a traditional folk festival held annually around Dano, or the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, in the Beopseongpo area of Yeonggwang-gun, Jeollanam-do. During the Joseon Period, Beopseongpo was one of the major trading areas on the Korean Peninsula due to the presence of a warehouse for storing tax grains and a famous seasonal fish market selling yellow corvinas. Thanks to these favorable social and economic circumstances, a large open-air market usually opened whenever the fish market was held, and a local folk festival naturally developed in this area as a result. The festival features diverse programs related to the well-preserved characteristics and traditions of the Beopseongpo area, such as the dragon king ritual held for fishermen’s safety, women’s boating, and artistic competitions in the nearby forest.