Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.

Iran 2012

Airag is the fermented beverage from mare’s milk. This element includes a traditional method of making airag, its related equipment and objects such as khokhuur (cowhide vessel), buluur (paddle) and khovoo (kibble), and associated therewith social customs and rituals. The milking season for horses runs from mid June to early October. Daily milk yield of mares varies from 3 to 6 liters. The basic technique of making airag consists of milking mares and cooling fresh milked milk, and repeatedly churning milk in a khokhuur with starter left inside to assist its fermentation. The liquid must be churned 5000 and more times to make good fermented blend of airag. Mare’s milk undergoes fermentation by lactobacilli and lactic acid streptococci, producing ethanol, lactic acids and carbon dioxide. The airag - mildly alcoholic white beverage emits a delicious smell and its pleasant taste can make your mouth watery. For making the khokhuur, first, the cowhide is soaked and hide’s filament is removed, then it is dehydrated in the wind and fumigated. In such process, the cowhide turns to a white flexible leather. The khokhuur is made from this white leather and consists of mouth neck, corner, body and cords. The buluur is long-handled wooden paddle which is used for churning airag in khokhuur and furnished with bored blade of board at the end. Khokhuur can hold 40 to 100 liters of airag. Airag is used and served as a main and holy drink during various fests and in making offerings and ritual blessings.

Mongolia 2019

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

Instrumental performance is not only an important component of the musical culture of the people, but also the centuries-old practice of the existence of musical instruments in folklore - the art of the auditory unwritten tradition. A number of properties of folk instrumental music, such as tradition, collectivity and non-written contact form of transmission of tradition, make it akin to folklore. Folk instrumental music is an integral part of the spiritual culture of the people. It is closely connected with his way of life, national traditions, history, holistic concept of beauty, the system of symbols of good and evil, love and hate, etc. It developed in close contact with other types of folk art, which were reflected in the entire complex of existence and development of folk art.

Shashmaqam (means the six Maqams (modes)) is a Central Asian musical genre (typical of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) which firstly developed in Bukhara. Shashmaqom (in Farsi - "Six maqoms") is a leading musical-cyclic genre of musical heritage of Uzbek and Tajik people. It includes a cycle of complex and perfect instrumental as well as vocal compositions encompassing different types of melos, forms, usuls (rhythmic formulae) and performances. Shashmaqom is a cycle consisting of six maqoms, namely Buzruk, Rost, Navo, Dugoh, Segoh and Iroq. Each of these consists of two parts respectively, i.e. instrumental one (which is called "Mushkilot") and vocal one (which is called "Nasr"), representing more than 250 cycles of instrumental and vocal compositions in total. Shashmaqom got formed in urban environment, and its bearers of traditions were well-known musicians and singers. Its vocal part was performed in Uzbek and Tajik languages. The texts were mainly taken from the poems of classics of oriental poetry (i.e. Rudaki, Jami, Lutfi, Navoi, Babur, Khafiz, Fizuli, Amiri, Nodira, Zebuniso, Ogahiy and others) and were dedicated to love-related, lyrical, philosophical, didactic, religious themes. Folk poetry examples were also used. Most widely used musical instrument was tanbur. It is based on tuning tanbur that the tonal basis of maqoms emerged. Instrumental part of each maqom included instrumental compositions such as "Tasnif", "Tarje", "Gardun", "Mukhammas" and "Sakil", performed either solo or by instrumental ensemble. However, each part differed with its own tune, character of melody, structure and usuls of doira. Vocal parts are considered the most difficult and complete ones in terms of structure, melos and form and are divided into two cycles (shuba): the first one includes "Sarakhbor", "Talqin", "Nasr" and "Ufar", performed by leading singer - hofiz (their melodies are more developed, of great range and complex form). Between main parts "Tarona" was sung by vocal ensemble as a connecting one (it is a small vocal piece, which has its own tunes, feature and forms). The second cycle (shuba) includes five-part cycles "Moghulcha" and "Savt" (except maqom "Iroq"). In addition to main parts, each maqom incorporates additional compositions: instrumental one (naghma, peshrav, samoyi, hafif), and vocal one (uzzol, ushshoq, bayot, chorgoh, nasrullo, oraz, khusayniy, navrozi sabo, khoro and ajam), the creators of which were bastakors (creators of oral musical tradition). Shashmaqom got formed, has been preserved, mastered and transmitted from generation to generation verbally, based on "Ustoz-shogird" ("master-apprentice") method of learning.

Tajikistan,Uzbekistan 2008

Dutor is a traditional musical string instrument. Tajik people have many melodies of some of which accompanied with folksongs.

Suggestive folksong and its melody, which is performed in celebrations and weddings by men.

Traditional lyric or comic folksong that is performed by a man and a woman.

A kind of folksongs dedicated to the hair washing ritual, which takes place a day before the wedding.

Traditional lyric folksong that is performed mostly in weddings and other celebration.

Sad folksong about strangers.

Wedding folksong performed by group of men.