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song
ICH Elements 264
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Practices related to the Việt beliefs in the Mother Goddesses of Three Realms
Beliefs in the Mother Goddesses focus on the worship of mother spirits of three realms, which are heavenly realm, realm of water and realm of mountains and forests. Since the 16th century, Beliefs in the Goddesses have developed into a spiritual and cultural activity that has had a profound influence on social life and consciousness of the people. Followers worship Mother Goddess Liễu Hạnh as well as other spirits who are historical or legendary heroes. According to legends, Liễu Hạnh was a nymph who descended to earth, lived as a human being and became a Buddhist nun. She is worshiped as “The Mother of the World” and as one of the four immortals of the Việt. At temples, daily worship is organized by temple guardians. Main practices of the Beliefs include spirit possession rituals and traditional festivals among which the most notable is Phủ Dầy festival in Kim Thái commune, Nam Định province. The festival lasts from the third day to the tenth day of the third lunar month and includes rituals, folk performances, a procession of the Buddhist scripture and a “word arrangement”. Through folk cultural expressions including costumes, chầu văn songs, and dance in spirit possession rituals and folk performance in festivals, the Việt express their views on history, cultural heritage, gender roles and ethnic cultural identities. The power and meaning of the Beliefs resides in their ability to meet spiritual demands and everyday desires and to help them achieve good fortune in health, work and business.
Viet Nam 2016 -
Kumbh Mela
Kumbh Mela (the festival of the sacred Pitcher), is the largest peaceful congregation of pilgrims where people bathe or take a dip in a sacred river. Held at Allahabad, Haridwar, Ujjain and Nasik every four years by rotation, the Kumbh at Prayag/Allahabad is the most significant. Ardha ("Half") Kumbh Mela is held at only two places, Haridwar and Allahabad, every sixth year. It is held on the banks of the rivers - Ganga in Prayag, Saraswati in Haridwar, Godavari in Nashik and Shipra in Ujjain. A great fair is held on these occasions on the banks of the rivers. Devout believe that by bathing in the Ganges one is freed from their sins liberating them from the cycle of birth and death. A unique facet is that millions of people reach the place without any invitation. Mythology says the gods and the demons fought for the pot with the nectar of immortality. Lord Vishnu, disguising himself as an enchantress (Mohini), seized the nectar. While fleeing from the evil ones, Lord Vishnu passed the nectar on to his winged mount, Garuda. In the ensuing struggle, a few drops of the precious nectar fell on Allahabad, Nasik, Haridwar and Ujjain. Since then, the Kumbh Mela has been held in these places. The astrological sequence of the stars are the basis for the Kumbh locations. As Jupiter enters in Aquarius and Sun enters Aries the Kumbh is held at Haridwar, Jupiter enters Aries and Sun and Moon in Capricorn at Prayag and so on.
India 2017 -
Qālišuyān rituals of Mašhad-e Ardehāl in Kāšān
Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.
Iran 2012 -
Mevlevi Sema ceremony
The Mevleviye is an ascetic Sufi order founded in 1273 in Konya, from where it gradually spread throughout the Ottoman Empire. Today, the Mevleviye can be found in many Turkish communities throughout the world, but the most active and famous centres of the order’s activity are in Konya and Istanbul. The Mevleviye are renowned for their whirling dances. Following a recommended fast of several hours, the whirlers begin to rotate on their left feet in short twists, using the right foot to drive their bodies around the left foot. The body of the whirler is meant to be supple, with eyes open but unfocused so that images become blurred and flowing. At their dancing ceremonies, or Sema, a particular musical repertoire called ay›n is played. Based on four sections of both vocal and instrumental compositions, it is performed by at least one singer, a flute-player, called neyzen, a kettledrummer and a cymbal player. Dancers used to receive 1,001 days of reclusive training within the mevlevi-houses (mevlevihane), where they learned about ethics, codes of behaviour and beliefs by practising prayer, religious music, poetry and dance. After this training, they remained members of the order but returned to their work and families. As a result of secularization policies, all mevlevihane were closed in 1925.The Turkish government began to allow performances again, though only in public, in the 1950s, restrictions were eased in the 1990s. Some private groups are re-establishing the original spiritual and intimate character of the Sema ceremony. However, over the thirty years the tradition was practised clandestinely, transmission focused rather on music and songs than on spiritual and religious traditions, which has deprived performances of part of their religious significance. Consequently, many sema ceremonies are no longer performed in their traditional context but for tourist audiences, and have been shortened and simplified to meet commercial requirements.
Turkey 2008 -
Traditional Sohbet meetings
Seemingly regarded as a leisure time activity today, “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” tradition with its historical background and institutional structure has a crucial role in social life. In some regions of Turkey, since the tradition is at the risk of disappearing practiced solely among the elderly, though it is preserved in some other parts of Turkey in accordance with the changing conditions of life. As seen in Çankırı case, the element has a significant role within the local culture, therefore Çankırı is defined as “Land of Yâran” by the residents of Çankırı. Although “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” meetings have different names in different regions of Turkey, they all have the same function. In a discipline of teach and delight, the primary aim is to have conversations and talks in leisure times. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” talks, through the concepts of love, fellowship, brotherhood and respect for each other, ensure safeguarding and conservation of traditions as well as creating a sense of neighborhood. The participants admitted to “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities vary from region to region. While in some regions only single men are admitted to the community, in some other regions, participants of the community are from different age groups and professions. For example, the groups in Manisa-Soma and Balıkesir-Dursunbey are classified as the youth, the middle aged and the elderly. Hence, in Soma, the meeting place of the young men is named as “Delikanlı Odası”, as “Köşe Odası” for the middle aged and “Koca Oda” for the aged. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” are characterized as patriarchal meetings; however the mothers and wives encourage those male members who take the advantage of those meetings in respect to its social and cultural benefits. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities gather at regular periods particularly in winter. For instance, “Sıra Gezmeleri” in Şanlıurfa, is held once a week preferably in Saturday evenings. The beginning and ending month as well as the time schedule concerning the dates and hours of the meeting are decided jointly. Non-participation except for the excuses such as death, illness etc. is subjected to penalty and the non- participant members not obeying the rules of procedures are also fined. The penalization practiced today has mainly turned into punishing with a fine. The total sum is allocated for organizing the following meetings, for the people in need as well as building fountains and roads. These communities usually compose of 5-30 persons and those members are guided by 3-5 community leaders, whose names vary from region to region. The community leaders are appointed via election or through proposals made by the elderly who are highly respected and designated by the consensus of all Yârans. The duty of community leader is to arrange in-group relations and to control the flow of the meetings. In this context, he has sanction power and the members are expected to obey the decisions made by the community leader. The titles of the community leaders can be summarized as follows: “Bayraktar” in Soma, Manisa; “Büyük Baranabaşı, Küçük Baranabaşı, Sohbet Çavuşu” in Balıkesir; “Büyük Yâranbaşı, Küçük Yâranbaşı, Köşe İhtiyarı” in Kütahya; “Delikanlıbaşı” in Ankara; “Efe, Saki” in Kırşehir; “Yiğitbaşı, Gönüller Ağası, Bayraktar” in Niğde; “Efrad” in Isparta, and “Büyük Başağa, Küçük Başağa, Çavuş” in Çankırı and ""Başkan"" in Şanlıurfa. Admission to Traditional Sohbet Meetings is of high dignity; nevertheless dismissal from the community is concerned as indignity. Certain procedures, which differ in each locality, are followed for the admission to or dismissal from or becoming a regular member or quitting the membership of the community. Being honest and modest, keeping secrets, not gambling, not wandering drunken around are accepted as the basic virtues and common rules in every locality. The members of the community have equal rights and commitments. There is no difference in social status among the members. The members of the community are taught and controlled by the leaders and by the other elder members in their daily lives. They also take the advantages of being a member of the community in physical and emotional support, if needed. The characteristics aforementioned contribute greatly to the members, the locality and to the society as well. The meetings are open to guests. The members sometimes bring their children along with them, which ensure the transmission of the tradition to future generations. Learns laying the table by her mother Learns joining in Sohbet by his father Traditional Sohbet Meetings are indoor activities. Those places can be the houses of the community members, be commonly-shared places called “köy odaları”, which has traditional features in Turkey, or rented places called “oda” for which expenses are shared as in Şanlıurfa case. Today, the meetings are held in the places allocated by local authorities. Interior design and setting differ in some regions yet generally sofa and floor cushion is used at the meetings. Traditional Sohbet Meetings consist of many elements but the main element is ""Talk"". This ""Talk"" has a wide range of topics, anything relevant to social life. Other elements of these meetings are folk music, folk dances, indoor plays, village spectacle plays and dining. There is not a certain order for practicing the elements; nonetheless, in each meeting there can be a specifically drawn order. List of dishes can show differences from region to region; nevertheless, not creating a difference in social status as well as not being costly for the host is carefully taken into consideration when preparing the dishes. For instance, the dish list is composed of çiğ köfte, deserts (künefe, şıllık, etc.) and strong coffee, known as mırra, in Şanlıurfa. In Çankırı, soup, güveç (casserole), rice and baklava are main dishes served in Yâran meetings. One of the most important elements of this tradition is music. Şanlıurfa Sıra Gecesi and Elazığ Kürsübaşı meetings, in a master-apprentice discipline, function as a conservatory for the traditionally trained performers. The musical performance begins with the pieces in rast and divan maqams; continues by other maqams if requested; and finalizes by kürdi and rast maqams. The instruments used in these meetings vary from region to region, but the main instruments are the bağlama, cümbüş (mandolin with a metal body), def (tambourine), violin, ud, kanun (zither) and kaval (end-blown flute). The local tunes are performed by the master bearers. Listening to music is also as important as performing the music. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings”, including music, dining, plays and talks, last until the early morning. Therefore, Traditional Sohbet Meetings compose all elements of life and culture. Owing to changing living conditions and migration from rural to urban area, Traditional Sohbet Meetings tradition is transmitted by its bearers to other cities.
Turkey 2010 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Gagaku
Gagaku is one of the Japanese performing arts, which are expressed by playing musical instruments, with long, slow songs and dance-like movements, and performed at ceremonies or banquets at the Imperial Palace or in a theatre, such as the National Theatre in Tokyo. Gagaku consists of (i) Kuniburi no Utamai, (ii) the Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent, and (iii) Utamono. The substances or repertoires have been created in the history and culture of Japan and become distinctive. Kuniburi no Utamai had been formed up around the tenth century with original Japanese songs and dances long before foreign music and instruments were brought into Japan in the fifth century. While the dance and music that came via the continent use only musical instruments, Kuniburi no Utamai is mainly composed of songs and played just partly with a Japanese harp and Kagura flute. The choreography of Kuniburi no Utamai is simple but noble and grave. The Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent consist of an instrumental tune, kangen, which developed from such Asian music and dances that reached Japan via ancient China and the Korean peninsula during the four hundred years from the fifth century through the ninth century, and was shaped by the history and culture of Japan, and (b) bugaku, the ceremonial dance to this tune. The Japanization is the process as follows: (i) the configuration of performance consisting of those derived from China, Central Asia, and India and those from the Korean peninsula: (ii) the selection of foreign music instruments and the formation of the smaller chamber music ensembles. Those used here are wind instruments (Sho, Hichiriki and Fue), strings (Biwa and So), percussion instruments, and others. Utamono is the vocal music that was newly formed around the tenth century in Japan under the influence of music from abroad. Some of its lyrics are Japanese folk songs and some are ancient Chinese poems. As briefly explained above, the history of Gagaku stretches over more than a millennium. Gagaku-ryo, i.e. the department of Gagaku, was set up as a national institution by the enactment of the year 701. The Imperial Court aimed at establishing a centralized State under the rule of written laws and regulations, known as Ritsu-Ryo Kokka. Historians think that Gagaku was incorporated into the national system as an essential part of official ceremonies. In 752, for example, these performing arts were performed at the ceremony to bring the soul into Great Buddha statue in the temple of Todai-ji, which has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1998. In the tenth century the performing arts from the Asian continent were sophisticated and Japanized while new Utamono and new repertoires of Bugaku were composed under the influence of performing arts from abroad; the form of today’s Gagaku was being established. Moreover, the style of acting and the performance space were also being set. The individual members who compose the Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency in charge of the transmission of Gagaku are mainly descendants of specific families who occupied such posts as a family profession. Although the tradition of Gagaku faced difficulties several times because of the decline of the Imperial Court and the aristocracy, who were patrons of Gagaku, and because of political turbulence and conflicts, certain families in Kyoto, Osaka, and Nara have kept the tradition, and do not let it cease. In the latter half of the 18th century, the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency was established, incorporating musicians from several localities, and this was the predecessor of the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency. As explained above, the Department members recognize Gagaku as part of their precious cultural heritage transmitted from their ancestors. As Gagaku has been designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property of Japan since 1955, it is recognized as an item of important cultural heritage which has high historical and artistic value for the Japanese people. Gagaku is the oldest tradition among the Japanese traditional performing arts. The Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency is widely recognized as the authentic transmitter of the tradition. The transmitters recognize Gagaku as their own unique culture of which they can be proud before their contemporaries in Japan and throughout the world. The transmission and performance of Gagaku contribute greatly to raising the holding community’s sense of identity and continuity. Thus, Gagaku has been transmitted from generation to generation for a long time, developed corresponding to the politics and the surroundings of each time, and constantly recreated. The history of Gagaku illustrates very well how Japan has transformed culture from abroad and sophisticated them as part of our own culture. The performing arts transmitted to-day varies from those originating in ancient Japan to Japanized, sophisticated and developed ones derived from abroad. In this sense, Gagaku is the crystallization of the culture created by the society and history of Japan. In 1955 Gagaku was recognized as a part of cultural heritage, and designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property. Therefore, Gagaku functions as one cultural tool to reconfirm the Japanese identity.
Japan 2009 -
Akiu no Taue Odori
“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.
Japan 2009 -
Kumiodori, traditional Okinawan musical theatre
Kumiodori is a type of musical composed of speech, music and dance, and dance-like movements. It is a comprehensive performing-art based on Okinawa’s traditional music and dance, but elements from mainland Japan like Nogaku or Kabuki and also from China are incorporated. During a performance, songs accompanied mainly by a three-stringed instrument portray events as well as the emotions of the characters. The words used in the story-telling come from the language of ancient Okinawa. The rhythm of the lines is based on traditional poetry, and the distinctive intonation of the Ryukyu scale. Dances and actions are based upon the physical movements of a pythoness at traditional rituals in ancient Okinawa. Male actors perform all the female roles. Traditional techniques and characteristics unique to Okinawa can also be seen in the methods of hair-dressing, costumes, equipment and tools used on stage. Kumiodori has approximately 70 dramas today. The contents are concerned with legends or the history of Okinawa. Kumiodori was first performed in 1719 in the Ryukyu Kingdom to welcome the envoy of the Chinese emperor. It was created and transmitted under the protection of the Ryukyu government and prospered as the official performing art of the Kingdom. Because it was originally created to be performed at official events of the kingdom, its main themes were loyalty and dutifulness. After the Meiji Restoration in the late 19th century, Ryukyu became a prefecture of Japan, and no longer received support from the Ryukyu Kingdom; Kumiodori began to be performed for ordinary citizens, so that the performers could earn a living. Even under difficult times during and after World War II, people in Okinawa managed to transmit Kumiodori, finding relief and mental support in the songs and dances under the harsh conditions of life. In 1972, when Okinawa was returned to Japan from the U.S., Kumiodori was designated by the Government as Important Intangible Cultural Property and the bearers of Kumiodori were given recognition. To avoid unruly changes in the performing art, the following requirements were set upon its designation. Requirements for designation: 1. The majority of the actors and those associated with the performance of Kumiodori must be members of the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society. 2. Acting and stage direction must be based on traditional style. a. Words must be based on traditional style. b. Appearance (costumes, wigs, make-up) must be in traditional style c. Actors must play all female roles d. Stage settings and props must be in traditional style When Kumiodori was designated as Important Intangible Cultural Property, the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society was formed to secure its transmission. The members of the Society are proud of Kumiodori, eager to transmit it, and maintain the high standards of their skills. The people of Okinawa respect this Society, and recognize Kumiodori as an important cultural heritage created by their ancestors. The Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society is engaged in the promotion of Kumiodori, the training of successors, and the revival of dramas that were discontinued in the past. New performances with freer themes have been created today while keeping the traditional style of Kumiodori. They have been well received by the audience with a contemporary sensibility. In this way, Kumiodori has adapted to changing times and circumstances, and has continued to be recreated. Today, Kumiodori can be enjoyed all year round. The National Theatre Okinawa was built for the purpose of continuing the transmission of Kumiodori, and through detailed research on the performance history of Kumiodori, it provides the best stage mechanics suitable for its performance. As mentioned above, Kumiodori is a performing art that developed in the history and climate of Okinawa, and serves as a symbol of Okinawa, both socially and culturally. For the people of Okinawa, to see Kumiodori, or to perform in it, strengthens their sense of affiliation to the community. Kumiodori has continued to evolve, incorporating foreign elements from Asia and the Japanese mainland, while surviving many difficult conditions. Because of this, it is an important cultural heritage, indispensable for a deeper understanding of Okinawa. It is also a significant example the study of cultural interrelations between the Japanese mainland, Asian countries and Okinawa. The old language used in Kumiodori is no longer understood, except by the elderly. Kumiodori plays a central role in preserving this extinguishing language, as well as transmitting literature, performing arts, history, and ethical qualities to this day, both in Okinawa and other prefectures of Japan. The members of the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society have acquired high performing skills, and are eager to train successors. The Government recognized them as bearers of the arts and skills of Kumiodori. Currently, there are about 60 members. 2 among them have been recognized as supreme bearers, known as Living National Treasures. They have a central role in training successors, and work in collaboration with the national and local governments, schools and the National Theatre of Okinawa to promote Kumiodori. The National Theatre Okinawa conducts workshops in collaboration with the Traditional Kumiodori Preservation Society to train successors for the transmission of the knowledge and skills of Kumiodori. The young successors have a chance to perform throughout the year in order to exhibit the skills they have acquired. For the further promotion of Kumiodori, they work to increase opportunities to enjoy Kumiodori outside Okinawa. It also holds performances aimed for elementary school students in Okinawa.
Japan 2010 -
Mazu belief and customs
As the most influential goddess of the sea in China, Mazu is at the centre of a host of beliefs and customs, including oral traditions, religious ceremonies and folk practices, throughout the country’s coastal areas. Mazu is believed to have lived in the tenth century on Meizhou Island, where she dedicated herself to helping her fellow townspeople, and died attempting to rescue the survivors of a shipwreck. Local residents built a temple in her honour and began to venerate her as a goddess. She is celebrated twice each year in formal temple fairs, when Meizhou residents, farmers and fisherfolk temporarily suspend their work to sacrifice marine animals, venerate statues of Mazu and enjoy a variety of dances and other performances. Smaller worship ceremonies take place throughout the year in the other 5,000 Mazu temples around the world and in private homes; these may involve floral tributes; candles, incense and firecrackers; and evening processions of residents bearing ‘Mazu lanterns’.
China 2009 -
Chinese traditional architectural craftsmanship for timber-framed structures
The construction of traditional Chinese timber-framed structures uses wood as the most important building material, with the structural carpentry as its foundation while containing other major divisions of work including the decorative carpentry, tile roofing, stone work, decorative painting, etc. The major wooden components, which consist of column, beam, purlin, lintel and bracket set, form the load-bearing frame for the whole structure. Two main types of framwork were developed as early as the 2nd century BCE. (Han dynasty), one is post-and-lintel, the other column-and-tie-beam. The wooden components are connected by tenon joints, which adds to the flexibility of the structure and improves its earthquake-resistent quality. Since the wooden components can be manufactured beforehand and installed on the spot, it can also significantly shorten the construction period.
China 2009 -
Khalfa (songstress) art
Khalfa is a woman-performer of folk songs and instrumental music, a poetess in Khoresm Oasis, who embodies traditions of oral folk art. In terms of activity, there are the following types of khalfas: khalfa sozi (khalfa-musician), who performs folk instrumental melodies; khalfa yodoghiy (khalfa-singer and khalfa-poetess), who performs folk songs at wedding ceremonies and festivities, while accompanying her singing by playing on a musical instrument; khalfa kitobiy (khalfa-book lover), who reads old books of religious themes during commemoration and rituals events ("mushkulkushod" – literally "relief"); khalfa dostonchi (khalfa-narrator); khalfa raqqosa or khalfa oyinchi (khalfa-dancer). In Khoresm two directions of khalfa performance became widespread, i.e. ensemble performance and solo performance. In ensemble performance it is possible to see a leading woman-performer, who sings songs under accompaniment of accordion (i.e. Russian diatonic accordion, which has been existence in Khoresm since XIX centure and which is called "qol soz"), doira player (who accompanies singing by playing on doira; sometimes she can act as a dancer as well) and dancers (who accompany singing with their dances; they usually dance with kajraks (castanets), or sometimes, sing along and play on doira).
Uzbekistan