Like in many other countries, dozo (masonry or stonework) is an old craft that is still in practice throughout the country. The skills of Bhutanese masonry can be seen in fortresses, temples, monasteries, stupas and farmhouses. It required special skills to cut and polish stones into right shapes and sizes and was carried out under the strict supervision of the head carpenter, who also had the role of an architect. Stone masons use an axe like tool called dota. Stones of crude shapes and sizes are chiselled into right shapes according to the style of the structure. There are mainly five different types of stone shapes that the masons prepare for construction. They are jamdo- used as the foundation stones, zurdo (corner stone) used as the corners walls, tshigdo (flat stones) that are used in the middle, dotru (pebbles) used in between the two chiseled stones and dochal (flat stones) layed in the courtyards of the dzong and temples. A skilled mason would first lay the zurdo (corner stone) and position other stones towards its right and left. The masons used a measuring thread called thig to correctly align these stones. People from Rinchengang village in Wangdue Phodrang Dzongkhag are well known for their great masonry skills. Most villages in the western part of Bhutan use mud, instead of stones for house construction as mud houses are believed to keep the interior warm in winter and cool in summer. It also depended on the type of construction materials available. Some of the outstanding stone works are; a. Dzongs: Bhutan is dotted with these majestically erected fortresses that sit high on top of the hills often overlooking the valleys. The dzongs are located at strategic places. It has massive stone walls with large courtyards and beautiful woodwork on windows and cornices which are the most striking among the diverse architectural expressions of the country. These structures had served the purpose of defending the country against foreign invasions in the past. These magnificent structures are the true representation of our architectural uniqueness and the living testimony of our artistic skills. Dzongs are mostly rectangular and square structures while ta-dzong (watch towers) and Chu-dzong are mostly round cylindrical structures. Today, these dzong are the seat of administration and monastic body. b. Stupas: Choeten or stupas are literally translated as a vessel of worship or offering the most common feature on the Bhutanese landscape. It is believed that after the cremation of the Lord Buddha, his relics were divided among eight groups of claimants and that each of the claimants later erected a reliquary in which they preserved the relics. Thus, there are eight different types of choeten today (Choeten Degye). At that time, these structures were erected only to preserve the relics of sublime beings and assumed greater meaning and significance much later. Building a stupa came to be considered an act of great piety, earning merit for the actual builders as well as for those who supported the act. It is also a beautiful illustration of our masonry skills. A choeten requires a great deal of stonework, as it is built out of stones. We can also see prayer mantras carved on the stones. c. Long Prayer Walls: Long mani walls locally known as mani dang rim are the monuments from medieval Bhutan found along the main mule tracks displaying the mantra of Avalokiteshvara carved on slabs of slates. These elegant monuments were testimony to the richness of spiritual devotions as well as significant landmarks for travelers. They have survived extreme climatic conditions for many years. It is said that construction of Mani walls in the country had begun around 15th century during the time of Tertoen Pema Lingpa. However, most of the Mani walls were said to be constructed during the reign of the 4th Druk Desi Tenzin Rabgye (1638-96). Mani walls were largely constructed with locally available materials such as stones, a small quantity of timber and mud used as the mortar. Side plinth is raised from the ground and a wall is constructed at the height of about 6 feet and generally carved Mani slabs are placed on it either in single or double line from end to end. A timber superstructure is raised on the top with a wall height of one foot and is often roofed with flat stone slabs or slate. The middle and two ends are raised higher than the other parts with a particular architectural design. The center portion has a pocket for enshrining three deities of Manjushri (left), Avalokiteshvara (centre) and Vajrapani (right). The special place in the centre is made of timber and the deities are placed on the wall with a space in front for making butter lamp offerings or other offerings. d. Farm Houses: Bhutanese farmhouses are typically built out of mud and stone. A standard practice was to erect two-storied house although an ideal house had three main floors and an attic. The materials for the houses vary across the country depending on the climatic conditions and the topography of the places. For instance, Bago and Dag jar Zhikom (farmhouses made out of stones and wood) which are lightly decorated in traditional style are found in the southern and eastern parts of Bhutan. In central and western Bhutan, double storey houses with main walls made of stones and rammed earth while the inner partitions are made of bamboo mats are found. Houses in the cold places like Lingzhi and Laya, Merak and Sakteng are mostly built out of stonewall. e. Grinding Stones: Rangtha is a pair of round grinding stones that is maneuvered by the hands. This is usually found in places where stream water is not available in the vicinity. Chura is a bigger version of the rangtha which is powered by water. While the stone pair works on the same principle, the watermills are much bigger in size and often turn faster depending on the pace of the water flow. It is still being used in some rural villages. For example, in Bumthang it is mostly used for grinding wheat and buckwheat. f. Bridges: Stonework also finds its use in the construction of the traditional bridges, which were built out of wood and stones. The stone is used as the foundation (jamdo) for constructing all sorts of bridges like chazam (iron bridges), bazam (cantilever bridges) and tshazam (cane bridges which are no longer used).

Traditional Ahlat Stonework is the knowledge, methods, skills and aesthetic understanding, transmitted from generation to generation for centuries and based on the extraction of volcanic Ahlat stone from the quarries around Ahlat by the stone miners, shaping and ornamenting of the Ahlat stone by stone carvers, and constructing structure and creating artefacts by the practitioners of the element. Ahlat Stone is a volcanic stone extracted by traditional methods from the foothills of the Mountain Nemrut located near to Ahlat, district of Bitlis province. Stones are extracted from quarries through the "nailing technique" which has been used for centuries. In this technique, the iron wedges are hammered into the rock mass in a straight line and the rock mass is extracted in the desired size and removed as a block. Folk calendar and traditional knowledge of nature have important roles in the extraction of the stone by the stone miners. The extracted stone is cut and shaped then ornamented by stone carvers with hand-tools. The ornamentation on Ahlat stone is formed by scraping, relief and carving techniques. They are generally used vegetal, geometric and calligraphic shapes that reveal a certain aesthetic understanding transmitted from generation to generation. Building a structure by using Ahlat stone requires special technique and knowledge. The construction of the buildings starts and ends in periods determined according to the traditional folk calendar. Besides the architectural works such as houses, mosques, mausoleums and bridges; the stones are also used in tombstones, inscriptions, fountains and today in various artefacts.

Turkey 2022

The Rain Praying Ceremony of the Raglai people is held in the middle and end of April every year, to pray to the gods for rain. Raglai people call rain "Hơ Jan" and they worship Hơ Jan. The shaman - the fire king's assistant - Pơtao Apui is the master of ceremonies. The most important item of the shaman is the bronze magic sword. There are also copper bowls, white porcelain bowls, and bamboo wine sticks. Before the main worship day, the shaman and the council perform 3 rituals: Offering to ward off evil spirits and poultry diseases around the village; Offering to the water dock at A Yun River; Offering to the village. On the main holiday, all the villagers gather at the shaman's house to prepare offerings, materials, and tools for worship. The offering to pray for rain is a black male pig, weighing about 30-40 kilograms; together with 3, 5, or 7 jars of wine. The indispensable offerings are 7 jars of wine taken from the water source of A Yun River and statues of the 7 founders of the village. The ceremony to pray for rain begins when the sun rises, the master of the ceremony sits in front of three wine jars, placing his hand on the first wine jar. The priest bowed three times to greet the gods and then poured water into the wine jar. The shaman prays, scatters rice around, and holds the pork to the front to invite the Mountain God, River God, Wood God, and Stone God; Then he pours wine and meat into bronze bowls and pours them into Pơ Tao's graves, praying for rain to come. After that, the master of ceremonies scoops water from a copper pot and fills each jar of wine, then takes a sip of wine; Villagers take turns enjoying wine together. On the day the village prays for rain, villagers are not allowed to go to work, pick up hoes or machetes.

Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.

According to our conventional wisdom, once a woman stops menstruating, and starts vomiting in the morning as well as experiencing loss of appetite, she is pregnant. Henceforth, she avoids doing any heavy work, and elders and experienced people advise her on the dos and don’ts of birthing-related subjects. Although pregnancy was socially acceptable for a woman who had a husband, there was a social stigma against unmarried pregnant women. Not only did people gossip behind their backs, but some communities even ostracised them on the pretext that their pregnancy outside marriage would cause accident or disaster to the people, animals and community, especially if they happened to pass through any restricted areas such as ladam or ridam (restriction of mountains and forests near the community and believing these sites as the abode of local deities. Restrictions these sites starts from the sowing of seeds in the field and until the harvest). Although no nasty actions are taken against unwedded pregnant women these days, they are still the subject of gossip, and social stigmatisation persists, though perhaps to a lesser degree now than is mirrored in the well-known traditional saying: "If the bastard is faced to the rocky cliff, the cliff breaks down; and, And if the bastard is faced towards the lake, the lake dries up." Although due date for the birth could not be predicted precisely, impending birth is determined based on the size of the abdomen and frequency and intensity of labour pains. As soon as childbirth seems imminent, the woman readies herself by preparing ara (distilled wine) or changkyoe (fermented rice) as well as stocking up with other nutritious foods such as meat, egg and fish. She also avoids crossing the tethers of horses, as it is believed that this will delay birth, since pregnancy in mares lasts about a year. Besides, roaming or journeying at night is strictly forbidden. When it is time, a few elderly women will be called to assist the pregnant woman, as it is also believed that it will be easy to give birth if there is an experienced woman nearby. According to the Eastern Bhutanese belief, if the woman is in protracted labour, various methods are followed to aid her in delivering the baby, such as: opening a container of fermented rice (Changkoe or phafin, also known as buchang) and serving it to her; a family member going to a cross-section of paths and stamping the ground hard three times, collecting the dust from that spot, and then rubbing it on the abdomen of the expectant woman; or her brother (phuga ajang) dresses up and covers his body with a lhiu (rain coat made from yak hair) and then, carrying a quiver and holding a bow in his right hand, he jumps across the abdomen of his sister who is lying on the bed. These are some of the popular practices claimed to have saved pregnant women from suffering further. After delivery, the child is picked up by the kindest and most gentle person present, as it is again believed that the new-born will take on the character of the person who first picks the baby up. Once the child has been picked up, its umbilical cord is cut with a sharp knife or a scissor. The child is washed with lukewarm water and welcomed by inserting a piece of butter in the mouth, placing another piece on the head, and uttering many good wishes and prayers for his/her long life. While the child is being washed, the mother awaits expulsion of the placenta. The placenta is buried in the ground, placing the umbilical cord towards the surface. However, in some cases the placenta is taken to a river and pressed under a heavy stone with the umbilical cord turned upstream. Either way, if the umbilical cord is not placed correctly, it is believed that the child will vomit. After washing, the baby is allowed to suckle at the mother’s breast either before or after expulsion of placenta, and following that ara and nutritious foods are given to the mother. However, if placental expulsion does not occur, a rundi (kind of flat rope made from bamboo, used when carrying loads on the back in Tshangla Community) is cut in half and burned. The ash is given to the mother to eat. In some cases, the cast off skin of a snake (buesop) is fed to the woman. People believe that these practices will help the body expel the retained placenta. As the birth of a child is considered impure, outsiders will avoid visiting the family for three days after the birth. After three days, where possible, a lama or tsip (astrologer, or lama who knows astrology) is invited to the house to perform a purification ritual called lhabsang and define the child’s horoscope and bestow a name. Following this, well-wishers and neighbours will visit, bringing a ceremonial scarf and a pitcher of ara, a small amount of dried meats, eggs or anything else that is considered valuable to the weak and recuperating mother. The next very important function for a child is the first cutting of hair, which can be done at any suitable time after the hair is long enough. The practice is that the first haircut is done by a brother of the child’s mother, or in some cases (for example if she has no brother), it may be done by a lama.

In China, the art of seal engraving is recognized as one of the finest examples of traditional arts and crafts and is of immeasurable cultural value with a history of over 3,000 years. In ancient China, seals served as the personal signature of their owners, and, more significantly, also served as a symbol of legitimacy for a ruler or an entire government. Seal engraving represents the harmonious combination of calligraphic aesthetics with the precise skills of engraving and meticulous attention to detail. The seal must use what is often a very limited space in order to convey the unique character traits of its purpose or the personality of its owner. For thousands of years, it has had both a purely functional use as well as attaining the highest levels of artistic and cultural aesthetics. Seal engravers preserve artistic traditions while also reaching out in new directions and revealing fascinatingly different styles: exaggerating the thinness or thickness of a character, elaborately curving or angling a stroke, or even deliberately re-forming traditional ideograms for artistic effect. Indeed, the work of master seal engravers is no less important than the work of well-known painters or calligraphers in Chinese history. The engraving process is unique. The tools used for seal engraving include the knife, seal holder, seal ink, writing brush, and xuan paper. A design is made on paper—when engraved, the characters have to be written on stone surface opposite to what they will look like. After the engraving is completed, press the seal in the seal ink to make an impression on xuan paper. Additional text is often engraved on the side of the seals, from which rubbings can be made. Seal engraving has the following unique characteristics: 1.The artists use engraved characters to show the aesthetics of traditional Chinese culture through the harmony of positive and negative and the balance of abstract and concrete forms. 2.The artists use seals to express their accumulated ideas, artistic sensibilities, and engraving skills in a very small space. 3.The creation of seals is an integration of man and nature through the engraving process. 4.Seals display the quality of the stone and the style of the calligraphy. The art of seal engraving embodies important cultural and social functions. It is the expression of the artists’ own imagination, as well as a way of personal cultivation and the blending of art, literature, aesthetics, and language. Seals also serve as a means of communication and have been used by scholars and art collectors as a means of personal identification, a claim of ownership, or for social interaction. The art of seal engraving also reached other parts of East and Southeast Asia as part of the exchanges of culture and art among different nations. Today the art form enjoys worldwide appeal among historians, art lovers, and collectors.

China 2009

Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

The construction of traditional Chinese timber-framed structures uses wood as the most important building material, with the structural carpentry as its foundation while containing other major divisions of work including the decorative carpentry, tile roofing, stone work, decorative painting, etc. The major wooden components, which consist of column, beam, purlin, lintel and bracket set, form the load-bearing frame for the whole structure. Two main types of framwork were developed as early as the 2nd century BCE. (Han dynasty), one is post-and-lintel, the other column-and-tie-beam. The wooden components are connected by tenon joints, which adds to the flexibility of the structure and improves its earthquake-resistent quality. Since the wooden components can be manufactured beforehand and installed on the spot, it can also significantly shorten the construction period.

China 2009